15 For a concise discussion of the role of women in the classical world, consult Clark (1989).
16 Frazer, J.G. (1914), The Golden Bough, Part 4, Vol 2, London.
17 A matriarchy involves the dominance of the female line, with all property rights being controlled by women and transmitted from mother to daughter. It is now recognized that there has never been a true matriarchy anywhere in the world. The possibility that a matrilineal system may have existed in Egypt has more validity, but such a system would not necessarily explain the equal legal rights of women. Under a matrilineal system inheritance rights and kinship allegiance pass via the mother from mother’s brother to mother’s son, with the sister–brother relationship proving stronger than the wife–husband bond. Males, however, still exert the ultimate control over their society and females are no more equal than their sisters living under a patriarchal regime. The often-cited tomb of Paheri, which includes texts tracing the descent of the deceased along the female line, does not support the theory of a matrilineal society; Paheri was simply obeying human nature by listing out the more important branch of his family in preference to his less-exalted paternal line.
18 The case of Mose is discussed in detail in James (1984).
19 For further references on this subject consult Pestman, P.W. (1961), Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, E.J. Brill, Leiden.
20 Gardiner, A. (1945), Adoption Extraordinary, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 26: 23–9.
Chapter 2 Married Bliss
1 Quoted in Lindsay, J. (1963), Daily Life in Roman Egypt, Frederick Muller Ltd, London: 17.
2 Women often have a depressed level of fertility for the first year or two following the onset of menstruation, but early teenage pregnancies must still have been a common occurrence.
3 This suggestion is based on the translation of a text concerning the division of the property of the workman Nekhmin. One very important but broken sentence reads ‘While she was eating her… with Nekhmin.’ For philological reasons, the missing word has been tentatively identified as salt. The woman referred to is Merut, Nekhmin’s second wife, and it has been suggested that this line indicates that the couple were not merely living together but were formally married. This theory is discussed further in Janssen, J.J. (1974), An allusion to an Egyptian wedding ceremony?, Goettinger Miszellen, 10: 25–8.
4 For further references on this subject consult Pestman, P.W. (1961), Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, E.J. Brill, Leiden.
5 This theory is discussed in far more detail in Ward, W.A. (1986), Essays on Feminine Titles of the Middle Kingdom and Related Subjects, Beirut. See also Ward, W.A. (1983), Reflections on some Egyptian terms presumed to mean ‘harem, harem-woman, concubine’, Berytus Archaeological Studies, 31: 67–74.
6 See Janssen, J.J. (1988), Marriage problems and public relations (P.B.M. 10416), in Pyramid Studies and other essays presented to I.E.S. Edwards, Baines J. et al (eds.), Egypt Exploration Society, London: 134–7. Suggestions that this attempted assault may have actually represented an ancient Egyptian Skimmington, as described in Hardy’s classic novel The Mayor of Casterbridge, are disproved in this article.
7 Translated by Burford (1976); quoted by Miles (Miles, R. (1988), The Women’s History of the World, Paladin, London: 247), who discusses other instances where dung has been used as a contraceptive. Watterson (1991, p. 88) suggests that crocodile excrement soaked in sour milk, a contraceptive pessary recommended by the Kahun Medical Papyrus, may have had a weak acidic effect similar to that produced by the sponge soaked in vinegar which was a standard means of birth control in western Europe at the turn of this century, and which is still used by Egyptian peasants today.
8 This excerpt from the New Kingdom instructions of Scribe Any has often been compared with the comments of a modern Egyptian villager, recorded by Winifred Blackman in 1927:
My wife is good, and I am pleased with her, but she must remain there [pointing downward]. My mother is up there [pointing upward]. Did she not carry me for nine months [pressing his hands on his stomach]? Did she not endure pain to give me birth, and did she not feed me from her breast? How could I not love her? My wife may change and lose her love for me. My mother is always the same; her love for me cannot change.
9 Mammisi were small temples attached to a major temple, built to commemorate the birth of the god of the main temple. They are invariably decorated with scenes showing the birth of the god.
10 Baines, J. (1985), Egyptian Twins, Orientalia, 54: 461–82.
11 For further details concerning childhood in pharaonic Egypt, consult Janssen R.M. & Janssen J.J. (1990), Growing up in Ancient Egypt, The Rubicon Press, London.
Chapter 3 Mistress of the House
1 Hori’s expanding and contracting household is illustrated diagrammatically in Kemp (1989), 157–8.
2 For a review of all aspects of Egyptian laundry practices consult Hall, R.M. (1986), Egyptian Textiles, Shire Egyptology, Shire Publications, Aylesbury.
3 For further references to the foods enjoyed by the ancient Egyptians see Darby, W.J., Ghaliongui, P. & Grivetti, L. (1977), Food: the gift of Osiris, Academic Press, London; Wilson, H. (1988), Egyptian Food and Drink, Shire Egyptology, Shire Publications, Aylesbury.
4 Emery, W.B. (1962), A Funerary Repast in an Egyptian Tomb of the Archaic Period, Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Osten, Leiden.
5 The downside of pig consumption is of course the danger of human parasitical infestation resulting from eating undercooked pork. For a fascinating discussion of the domestic pig as a free-range scavenger in urban Egypt consult Miller, R.L. (1990), Hogs and Hygiene, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 76: 125–40. This article provides a wealth of unexpected data, ranging from the percentage of serious injuries caused by free-range pigs in New Guinea, to the rituals of modern rubbish collection by the zabbalin of present-day Cairo.
6 It is of course equally valid to observe that it is far easier to depict someone pouring out a drink than it is to show a noble eating a goose in a dignified manner.
7 For additional references to wine and beer consumption consult Lesko, L.H. (1977), King Tut’s Wine Cellar, B.C. Scribe Publications, California.
Chapter 4 Work and Play
1 Those scenes which depict women in association with writing equipment should, however, be approached with a degree of caution as their interpretation may be open to a certain amount of doubt. One famous Old Kingdom tomb scene, for example, shows the Princess Idut sailing on the Nile with a writing kit by her side, suggesting that this lady took a great deal of pride in her scholastic ability. We now know that the principal figure in this scene was originally intended to be a man – a 5th Dynasty (male) vizier called Ihui – and that the presence of the writing equipment may well be a form of ancient typographic error, unconnected with the princess herself.
2 Janssen, J.J. (1986), A Notable Lady, Wepwawet 12: 30–31.
3 For a detailed discussion of female titles in the Old and Middle Kingdoms, consult Fischer, H.G. (1976), Varia, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
4 At least one woman, the Old Kingdom Lady Peshet, is known to have held the title of ‘Chief of the Lady Physicians’, suggesting that at this time there may have been a guild of professional female doctors, or perhaps a guild of female doctors who specialized in attending to women. However, Peshet was a member of a priestly family and her son Akhethope, who bore the title of ‘Overseer of the Ka priests of the Mother of the King’, ultimately inherited his mother’s title of physician, indicating that this is more likely to have been a purely honorary accolade. We have no other information concerning the work of Egyptian female doctors.
5 Although the gods and goddesses were usually served by priests of the same sex the chief local priest of each cult was usually a man and, of course, the male king was the supreme priest of all cults male and female.
6 There is no doubt that the title of vizier is accorded to Nebet and not her husband Huy. However, Huy
is given the title of ‘Overseer of the Pyramid City’, which is normally a part of the vizier’s title during the Old Kingdom, and it seems likely that it was actually Huy who acted as vizier on his wife’s behalf. In his review of the evidence concerning this unusual lady, Fischer, H.G. (1976), Varia, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, has concluded that Nebet’s title was almost certainly an honorary one, designed to enhance the status of a relatively low-born woman who married well and eventually became the grandmother of a king of Egypt.
7 Ward, W.A. (1984), The case of Mrs Tchat and her sons at Beni Hassan, Goettinger Miszellen 71: 51–9.
8 For a guide to Egyptian music and musicians, consult Manniche, L. (1991), Music and Musicians in Ancient Egypt, British Museum Publications, London.
9 Penelope, the faithful wife of the absent Odysseus who spent her days working at the loom while awaiting her husband’s return, was performing a socially approved female task intended to emphasize her virtuous wifely behaviour.
10 James (1984): 175–7 gives full details of the case of the missing servant girl.
11 Experts are still divided over the extent that slavery was practised in ancient Egypt, as it is now very difficult for us to distinguish between those whom we would class as slaves and those who are merely servants. Certainly, the pyramidal structure of Egyptian society combined with the well-developed system of corvée labour to make slaves peripheral to the Egyptian economy. The most complete discussion of this question is given in Bakir, A.M. (1952), Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt, Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo.
12 For further details of dynastic pricing, consult Janssen, J.J. (1975), Commodity Prices from the Ramessid Period, Brill, Leiden.
13 Janssen, R.M. & Janssen, J.J. (1989), Egyptian Household Animals, Shire Publications, Aylesbury.
Chapter 5 Good Grooming
1 For a review of the evidence for male circumcision in Ancient Egypt consult Janssen, R.M. & Janssen, J.J. (1990), Growing Up in Ancient Egypt, The Rubicon Press, London.
2 Where it has become accepted practice, female circumcision is usually explained as a necessity both to prevent the girl’s sexual organs from growing like those of a man and to decrease her sexual appetites by reducing her chance of achieving orgasm; all available evidence indicates that ancient Egyptian women were expected to get as much enjoyment out of their love lives as their male partners, suggesting that there may have been no perceived need for female circumcision.
3 For further details of wig manufacture consult Cox, J.S. (1977), The Construction of an Ancient Egyptian Wig, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 63: 67–70. It would appear that not even the best of the Egyptian wigs were as natural-looking as the somewhat idealized tomb paintings would suggest.
4 Riefsthal, E. (1952), An Ancient Egyptian Hairdresser, Bulletin of the Brooklyn Museum 13.4: 7–16; (1956), Two Hairdressers of the 11th Dynasty, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 15: 10–17.
5 Keimer, L. (1948), Remarques sur le Tatouage dans L’Egypte Ancienne, Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo.
6 For a review of all aspects of Egyptian textile manufacture see Hall, R.M. (1986), Egyptian Textiles, Shire Egyptology, Shire Publications, Aylesbury. The changing styles in women’s garments are detailed in Riefsthal, E. & Chapman, S. (1970), A Note on Ancient Fashions, Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 68: 244–59.
7 At least some of the dresses which have been recovered from tombs seem to have been designed exclusively as grave-goods, as they were both too long and too narrow to actually fit the occupant of the tomb. This tradition of providing the deceased with garments may be compared with the provision of specific tomb-jewellery which is mentioned later in this chapter; magical intervention would ensure that both dresses and jewellery would become fully functional in the Afterlife. For details of actual recovered garments and interesting comments on the role of the sleeve in Egyptian clothing consult Hall, R.M. (1981), Two linen dresses from the 5th Dynasty site of Deshasheh, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 67: 168–71; Hall, R.M. and Pedrini, L. (1984), A pleated linen dress from a Sixth Dynasty tomb at Gebelein, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 70: 136–9.
8 For further information concerning the oracle of Amenhotep I at work see McDowell, A.G. (1990), Jurisdiction in the Workmen’s Community of Deir el-Medina, Nederlands Instituut Voor Het Nabije Oosten, Leiden.
9 Where the gold contains a high proportion of silver it forms the valuable alloy electrum, a metal which can often be mistaken for silver and one which was very much prized by the Egyptian jewellers.
Chapter 6 The Royal Harem
1 The correct interpretation of terms commonly translated as ‘harem’ or ‘royal harem’ has been discussed in detail in Ward, W.A. (1983), Reflections on some Egyptian terms presumed to mean ‘harem, harem-woman, concubine’, Berytus Archaeological Studies, 31: 67–74.
2 In sharp contrast, the contemporary tombs of the nobles buried at Sakkara were also surrounded by neat rows of subsidiary inhumations but these graves were reserved for craftsmen and minor administrators who were far less intimately connected with the occupants of the main tomb.
3 Emery, W.B. (1954), Great Tombs of the First Dynasty, Vol 2, Egypt Exploration Society, London: 142.
4 For a detailed and poignant description of the excavation of the Royal Cemetery, consult Woolley, L. (1934), Ur Excavations, Vol 2, The Royal Cemetery, The Trustees of the British Museum, London.
5 Consult Ward, W.A. (1983), Reflections on some Egyptian terms presumed to mean ‘harem, harem-woman, concubine’, Berytus Archaeological Studies, 31.
6 There is no record of an actual title of secondary wife being used, but it is clear that these foreign princesses – who, with one exception, were not accorded the superior rank of ‘King’s Great Wife’ – were not classed as simple concubines of the king.
7 Commemorative scarabs recording lengthy hieroglyphic texts were a standard means of publicizing important events during the reign of Amenhotep III such as royal marriages, major hunting expeditions and even the building of a large pleasure lake for Queen Tiy.
8 We know that the Hittite queen of Ramesses II and her retinue lived for at least some of the time at Mer-Wer, as her personal laundry list was found by Professor Petrie during the excavation of the site.
9 The body of Ramesses III does not show any signs of a violent assault but poison, supposedly a woman’s weapon, would of course have left no mark.
10 The cartouche is a hieroglyphic symbol used to indicate a royal name from the early Old Kingdom onwards. It consists of an oval-shaped loop representing a double thickness of rope drawn around the name, with the ends of the ‘rope’ tied to form a straight line at the base of the oval. Two of the names of the king, the throne-name and the birth-name, were invariably written within a cartouche.
11 The question of the changing role of the Egyptian queen-consort, including a scholarly register of titles and epithets of royal women, has been discussed in Troy, L. (1986), Patterns of Queenship in Ancient Egyptian Myth and History, Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Uppsala.
12 There is evidence to suggest that as many as six remarkable women (Meryt-Neith, Nitocris, Sobeknofru, Hatchepsut, Nefertiti and Twosret) were able to take the throne of Egypt and rule in their own right as queen regnant or queen-consort. The detailed evidence relating to these atypical reigns is considered in Chapter 7.
13 Scenes showing these ladies visiting a farm and drinking fresh milk while the cow and her calf stand watching are perhaps more likely to represent imagined events in the bucolic Afterlife than royal day-to-day happenings.
14 For a learned discussion of the arguments for and against the ‘heiress-princess’ theory of inherited Egyptian kingship, including an extensive bibliography of relevant references, consult Robin, G. (1983), A Critical Examination of the Theory that the Right to the Throne of Ancient Egypt Passed Through the Female Line in the 18th Dynasty, Goettinger Miszellen, Heft 62: 67–77.
Chapter 7 Female Ki
ngs
1 Maat was personified in the form of a goddess of the same name. This goddess, the daughter of Re, wore a distinctive headdress consisting of a single tall ostrich feather held in place by a golden fillet. She was closely associated with truth and the administration of justice.
2 This discrimination against female succession is at least partially explained in European royalty by the desire to maintain a pure patrilineal descent. However, this solution is not particularly applicable to Egypt where at various times the pharaoh actually nominated a totally unrelated successor, apparently preferring to pick the best man for the job rather than relying on family ties.
3 The notorious Queen Cleopatra VII, the last Egyptian monarch, reigned during the Graeco-Roman period which followed the Dynastic era, and therefore falls outside the scope of this book.
4 An alternative interpretation of these early royal graves suggests that each king built himself one tomb at Abydos, the royal cemetery of their southern homeland. In this case the larger Sakkara tombs must have belonged to the highest-ranking courtiers and priests. Unfortunately, this does not explain the presence of the solar boats at Sakkara; with the exception of Meryt-Neith, these boats were provided for the use of kings only.
5 The text of this announcement, preserved in Hatchepsut’s magnificent mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri, is almost identical to the Middle Kingdom co-regency decree of Amenemhat III and Senwosret III, and is presumably a straight copy. By replicating an existing text Hatchepsut would have been seen to be reinforcing the strength of her message, confirming a direct link not only with her royal father but also with the earlier kings of the 12th Dynasty. This continuous aspect of kingship was very important to the Egyptians as it indicated the presence of maat in the land.
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