The members of the committee looked at each other. No one could argue against Amos’ position, so the chairman went on to their next question: “I have doubts about Operation Moses,” he said. “My misgivings are shared by some of the other committee members.” He looked around for support from the other eight members of the committee, who nodded encouragement, before continuing. “This whole operation will upset history as we know it, with unpredictable results. I am not sure that we should do it. Possibly when we go back to our own time we will not recognize the world and the changes may not be for the better.”
A Knesset member from a left opposition party added: “The basic premise for this operation strikes me as possibly racist and unfair. The other thing I am questioning is your intent to contact the Nazis. I don’t know how you can morally justify negotiating with those animals.”
The speaker finished and the room was quiet. Apparently the issues he raised troubled others as well.
Amos was surprised by this reaction to something he considered self-evident. The only explanation for this seeming opposition to a good plan was political maneuvering. Everybody was aware of the new coalition negotiations taking place and it was likely that all this posturing was just to ensure a better position in the upcoming national unity government. He relaxed. This was familiar territory and he knew how to deal with politicos, though it was shocking that at this time of emergency some people would continue with their petty political games.
“I will not comment on how racist or unfair operation Moses may be. My personal opinion is that the question is political correctness drivel. The world never treated the Jews fairly. I’d rather leave this to future, or is it past, historians. The more important question is about changing the future. As of now, our scientists are not optimistic about our chances of going back to our own time. But even if we could, we need to ask ourselves if we should.
“History has already been changed by our presence here. We had to shoot down several British planes. How soon do you think they will have their own jets flying, now that they know it’s possible? We used missiles to shoot down the Luftwaffe planes we encountered, so they will have no information – the pilots saw nothing and died in the encounters. We did not want to kill the British pilots and so used our jet’s cannon to shoot off their tails and give them a chance to escape. These pilots have probably seen something that, we have to assume, will be correctly interpreted by their experts. In our timeline the Germans had operational jets in 1944 and the Brits and Americans were not far behind. Even the least significant aspect of our technology will have unforeseen effects. If we go back now, it is likely that the world we return to will be generations ahead of us in technology and our edge over our enemies will not only be gone but we could be extremely vulnerable. It’s my humble opinion - and the consensus of the cabinet - that we should stay here as a superpower rather than go back and risk being destroyed. Here and now we have an advantage which we plan on maintaining. In any case, this is an issue for the Knesset to debate, or even for a referendum.”
“Why the squeamishness about killing British pilots?” the chairman asked.
“Since we hope to cooperate with them, sparing their pilots will make it easier. It was a show of both good will and air superiority, just like our help to them in Syria against Vichy. If they don’t understand this, we will make it clear soon. We’ve also assumed that it will be impossible to keep the existence of obvious technologies, such as jets, a secret from our allies, and they are, or will be, our allies. This shouldn’t be a problem in the short term – they won’t have the technological base to build a jet that will be anything close to even our old ones for many years. We do need to be diligent about keeping the less obvious stuff secret. The Brits, and everybody else, will try to insert spies, which will not be difficult with Operation Moses going. We have some ideas of how to lessen the dangers, but we can’t eliminate them entirely.”
“How about negotiating with the Nazis?” reminded the chairman.
“As to negotiating with the Nazis: They are disgusting, but in this time-line the bulk of the Holocaust hasn’t happened yet and, as crazy as they are, we hope we can bend them to our will. And if they don’t bend, we have the power to break them and we will not hesitate using it. As to our planned method of contacting them, we will do it in the most direct and forceful way. We don’t plan on negotiating with them in the usual sense of the word. It will be more of a ‘do what we tell you or die’ kind of negotiation.”
There were more questions, mostly clarifications of issues that were presented to the full Knesset earlier in the day. The meeting closed with all the committee members if not explicitly agreeing with the government’s policies, at least not opposing them actively.
Amos Nir was satisfied.
***
Thomas Harvey was both flattered and offended. He was the only ambassador to have a private meeting with the Foreign Minister. This put him ahead of everybody else, and he was sure that the U.S. ambassador in particular was annoyed. On the other hand, he was pulled into the meeting somewhat unceremoniously by a Foreign Ministry guard. He decided he was more flattered than offended. These were hectic times for the Israelis; he’ll give them some leeway.
“Ambassador, I am glad you could see me on such short notice,” the Foreign Minister said when Harvey was led into his office. “We have things to discuss which I hope will benefit both our countries greatly. Of course your country, the British Empire, is not the same as the U.K. you represented, but I hope that you are loyal to the crown that exists in the here and now.”
Harvey was perplexed. “Minister, you announced just a couple of minutes ago that all the ambassadorial credentials are null and void. Did I misunderstand you?”
“You did not. I assume that your loyalty does not depend on your credentials?”
“Sir, I am a loyal subject of the Queen, er… King.” Harvey said uncertainly.
“In that case, let’s get to business. Let me update you on what has been happening in the last day or so.” Harvey appreciated this personal briefing. After all, this country was under British rule now, in 1941. He didn’t think the Israelis had realized that. The Minister told the ambassador about the events in Syria and the contact that was made with General Wilson.
“Now we come to the interesting part,” he continued. “We would like to invite the general for a visit and it would be appropriate for the British embassy to host him for dinner. If you don’t wish to host him, we will skip that part, but I think it will be an advantage to everybody if you do so.”
Thomas Harvey was at a loss for words. This was not what he had expected. “I will certainly be happy to host General Wilson. I wonder though, aren’t you afraid that the embassy will give him information that you’re trying to protect?”
“Ambassador, it is a pleasure doing business with you. I always thought that you were perceptive and wise. You are right; we would be very upset if certain information got out. Some of it may also be catastrophic for the British Empire. I have no idea what would happen if your current leaders knew with certainty that they are going to win this war. Will they try to lessen their efforts and direct more of them to preserving the Empire, thus losing the war as a result? Since the future of this world hasn’t been set yet, anything is possible.” He paused to let Harvey digest this point of view, which certainly the pompous ambassador hadn’t considered.
“There are myriad unexpected results to any piece of information that gets out. I suggest that only three or four people attend the dinner with General Wilson - the two of us, the Defense Minister and possibly one of our generals just to keep General Wilson comfortable - you know how the military view us diplomats.
“As you may imagine, our historians have run a number of simulations to try and predict what is safe to reveal to Wilson at this point. They’ll discuss that with you as soon as we are done here – assuming you agree to host the dinner?”
“Minister, I tend to agree that such a meeti
ng at the embassy will be most welcome. We will cooperate with you to the extent that it serves the best interest of my country.”
“Ambassador, I appreciate your candor in this matter. There should be no problem. In the here and now Israel and Britain are natural allies against a common enemy.” The Foreign Minister smiled as he stood and extended his hand, which Thomas Harvey shook.
From the foreign minister’s office, the still-dazed ambassador was escorted to a comfortable briefing room. The presentation by the pleasant history professor was fascinating. Harvey had never considered the possibility of alternate courses history might take due to small changes. He directed his attention back from his musings about the complications of alternate history to interrupt what the historian was saying. “But why not share as much technology as possible?”
“It would seem on the face of it that if we expose the British to as much of our technology as possible, it will help them win the war faster and with less casualties. This is an illusion. Consider this: We show them a fighter jet. A likely result will be that they direct some resources to duplicating it. In the absence of all the supporting industries and with their resources already stretched thin, the air superiority balance in the coming years may shift just enough to lose the war or, at best, extend it significantly. The same goes for most of the sophisticated stuff we have. Our technology, in most instances, is too far advanced for 1941 engineers to be able to replicate. There will be things they will be able to manufacture only 20 years from now – like computer chips. I assure you we ran a number of simulations, using very advanced strategic planning software, and came up with a scenario that allows our allies to benefit almost immediately without disrupting their war effort. This is what we propose…”
After hours listening to the Israeli proposals, Harvey went back to his embassy. He was pleased. Not only was he going to serve his country, but at the same time he had a great opportunity to advance his career. He will be the one to introduce the British Empire to the Israelis and will orchestrate the first encounter. He was sure he would be rewarded by the British. If only his family could know. His wife was back at the embassy of course, but their daughter and both sons were somewhere in the future – independent adults with families of their own who didn’t think much of his career. If only they could see him now!
***
After his meeting with Thomas Harvey the Foreign Minister had another meeting, one he had tried to avoid for a couple of days but decided he could avoid no more.
The U.S. ambassador was waiting in a small conference room.
“Hello Dan,” the minister greeted the American. “What can I do for you today?”
“Hi, Nathan. I understand and accept your general announcement and the new emergency laws. I also assume that we are going to be exempt from the limitations. Is that correct?”
“My friend, it is not in my power to grant exemptions, and I don’t think that the government will do that either, but that would depend on what exactly it is that you want.”
The U.S. Ambassador smiled a self assured smile: “As opposed to the other diplomats here, I represent a great power. A great power that was friendly to the State of Israel in its time of need. I am sure that your government will not want to diminish this relationship. I would like the embassy to be free to communicate with the U.S. and do the job we are here to do.”
The Foreign Minister lit a cigar – something he never did in his office since smoking in public buildings was prohibited. He needed to think and relax and a cigar did it for him. The American made a slightly disgusted face, but erased the expression almost as soon as it appeared.
“Dan,” the Minister began, “we have known each other for what - twelve years now? You know that I always, even before taking my current post, supported the closest possible relationship with the U.S.”
The U.S. Ambassador moved as if to interrupt.
“Yes, yes. I know. I opposed your insistence that we make immediate peace with the Palestinians. But you know that there is nobody to make peace with and the State Department was doing its usual thing of sacrificing some of our security and long-term interests for a short term gain with the Arabs. But these are little disagreements. I know that you personally are an honorable man and a supporter of Israel.”
“Nathan, it is not just me. The U.S. is a genuine friend.”
The Foreign Minister was about to respond truthfully but stopped himself. There was no reason to make Dan McKenzie uncomfortable and possibly an enemy. The Minister assumed that the Ambassador checked a history book or two before initiating this meeting.
In the meantime the Ambassador continued: “We supported the creation of the State of Israel and supported it in later years. In any case, this is in the past. Like I stated, the U.S. is a great power friendly to you and should be treated accordingly.” The ambassador sounded almost sure of his position.
“Dan, I can’t ignore the lessons of history. If one does, one is bound to repeat past mistakes. In 1948 the U.S. voted for the creation of Israel. That was the only time it supported Israel during our first twenty years. When the war of Independence was raging in 1948 and 1949 the U.S. enforced an arms embargo on the fledgling state, almost costing us our independence. We paid for this embargo in blood. In 1956, when Israel captured the Sinai from Egypt we were forced to retreat – by who else but the U.S. It was only after the Six Day War, in 1967, after years of Soviet support to the Arabs, that the U.S. decided that as part of its global cold war policy it would support Israel. Even after that we were forced to do things that cost us lives to make the U.S. look good to the Arabs.”
He wanted to add that the friendship always went only as far as the U.S. political interest, and sometimes the State Department failed to see its own interest in its haste to appease the Arabs at Israel’s expense. He did not say that either.
Instead he said as diplomatically as he could: “Don’t misunderstand me, I think that for almost half a century the U.S. has been a friend to us. But we are now back in time, when Jews are not a very popular cause in America, and the extermination of six million of us made some waves only after it was done.
The ambassador was quiet for a while: “Nathan, this is neither here nor there. Being a seasoned diplomat, you know that it is legitimate for a country to pursue its own interests as it sees them. The U.S. did what it did not because of hate for Israel but because that was what it judged was in its own interest. I suggest that you leave all the other considerations aside and look just at the fact that I represent a superpower that will not appreciate being treated poorly.”
“Ah, here is the crux of our misunderstanding, Dan. First, we are not treating the U.S. poorly. We are treating your embassy like everybody else – no discrimination here at all. Since you were not accredited to us by the administration of President Roosevelt, and since the U.S. hasn’t yet recognized us as an independent state, we have no obligations to the embassy. The second misunderstanding on your part is of the position of the U.S. in the world today. No doubt it is a great power, but so are the British, the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan.” He wanted to add that the only superpower around now is Israel, but decided that this was not necessary.
The ambassador got up. He was disappointed, but not being a fool it took him only a couple of seconds to realize that the minister was right. He sat down again: “The U.S., after it wins the war, will be a real superpower. Do I understand you correctly, that Israel is not going to be friendly to the U.S.?”
“No, this is not what I said. We will be friendly to anybody that will be friendly to us. If the U.S. wants good relations, we will oblige. Of course, like you said, we are entitled to pursue our own policies with our own good in mind. If other countries are unhappy with what we do, it will be their business. This includes the U.S.
“I think that we are getting too far away from the issues at hand. Dan, my friend, consider how you would contact the State Department. I mean the State Department of today – 1941. The
y don’t know you from Adam, and even worse, they never heard about a State of Israel. Even if there were no limitations imposed on your embassy’s communications with the outside world, you would have a couple of mundane problems that would preclude you from contacting the U.S.: your experts would have to dig up the old radio frequencies used in 1941 and the old codes. If you don’t have them, we could supply all of the information. You know that we would be able to listen in on every word and you wouldn’t want us doing this. Would you?”
The American Ambassador thought for a moment: “You are right. I may have been hasty in demanding things we would not be able to use anyway. I appreciate your cooperation and time.”
“Don’t be too contrite,” the Foreign Minister smiled. “We will be establishing relations with the U.S. pretty soon and I hope that you will be willing to help both parties. I would really prefer to see you as the U.S. ambassador here rather than a Nazi sympathizer from the 40’s.”
The ambassador opened his mouth and closed it again. He knew his history and the Minister’s statement was not as outrageous as it sounded.
They shook hands and the ambassador left. He was slightly depressed. Besides not being accredited he also realized that the Minister was correct, at least in part. The U.S. was a great power, but not the only one. Israel had a great advantage in both weapons and technology, and if it managed its assets and policies well it could become very strong indeed. He still did not doubt that his country would become a superpower and dominate the world, together with the Soviets, by 1945. It did not cross his mind that history was being changed – old thought molds and habits tend to persist.
Chapter 5
General Wilson was satisfied with his army’s progress. Since the first intervention by the “Israelis” the resistance of the combined Vichy–German force was crumbling. At this point it was not so much the number of these “Israelis” but their effect on the enemy. As a matter of fact, he saw no “Israelis” at all, but whatever troops were resisting his ground assault became a pile of smoking rubble within minutes of asking for help on the radio frequencies assigned by this Yaari character. Neither the Luftwaffe nor the small Vichy air force were to be seen. According to eyewitness reports, at least six Luftwaffe planes exploded in the air for reasons unknown. The invisibility demoralized the enemy, but it also worried Wilson. If these “Israelis” became suddenly unfriendly, he would have no means of dealing with them. He had no doubt that the fate of any RAF squadron would be similar to that of the Luftwaffe fighters if his new allies turned against him. And the Royal Navy fleet assigned to shell the enemy’s coastal fortifications would fare no better. How do you fight an enemy you can’t see? Especially if he strikes unseen from afar, which all the reports steadily coming in claimed. Wilson knew that no “Israeli” forces crossed the Lebanese border either on the ground or in the air – at least none that anyone saw. So how did they manage to destroy targets so far away from where they supposedly were?
The Shield: a novel Page 5