Epstein

by Dylan Howard

  But segregation came at a price.

  In 9-South, all 120 inmates are divided into sixty two-man cells. Epstein was locked up in cell number 123 with fifty-two-year-old Nicholas Tartaglione, a brawny retired policeman charged with executing four men in upstate New York.

  The cells in 9-South don’t have bars. Each eight-by-eight-foot unit is completely sealed off by a solid door, which has a narrow rectangular window and a “trap” where food trays are placed. The slot is also used to cuff inmates behind their back before the cell door is opened. Besides a bunk bed and a prominent toilet, each cell has a sink, a small shower in the corner, and a fixed desk and stool. A single frosted-glass window gave Epstein a few inches of daylight from the outside world.

  Inmates are locked up for twenty-three-and-a-half hours a day. For the remaining thirty minutes, they are permitted to walk around a small portion of the tier: In Epstein’s case, it was the “M-Tier.” But according to an inmate who was in 9-South with Epstein, the 9-South guards “never let you out of the cell.”

  “It’s a nightmare,” the inmate told our investigator. “It’s a hellhole for all of us. There are roaches and rats and it’s never cleaned. The cell is rancid and they wouldn’t give Epstein anything to clean it. . . . That place is out of control.”

  Two days after his arrest, on July 8, Epstein was let out of his cell to attend his first court hearing, where he was officially charged with sex trafficking and conspiracy to traffic minors for sex.

  Not surprisingly, an arrogant Epstein pleaded not guilty. The judge scheduled his bail hearing for July 12.

  Until then, Epstein and his attorneys planned to use every waking moment to plot their strategy.

  “Epstein was taking over one of the only two rooms to meet lawyers in,” his jailmate recalled. “He always tied up the lawyer’s meeting room because he never wanted to be in that cell. That pissed off the inmates and the guards because it seemed like special treatment.”

  Worse, other witnesses claimed that Epstein and his lawyers routinely sat there in silence. His legal team, it seemed, was only there so he could stretch his legs outside the confines of his cell.

  To further insulate himself from the harsh realities of prison, Epstein had his lawyers transfer money to the commissary accounts of several other inmates, one jail insider told these authors. The recipients could then use the “store credit” to purchase perks like toiletries, snacks, and stationery.

  Social chameleon Epstein was at it again in an entirely new crowd, using his money to get people in his pocket.

  But prison was not like his private island. When Epstein started throwing money around, it had an unintended consequence—one that may have proved deadly.

  “The guards hated that Epstein got special treatment because of his money,” his former jailmate told us exclusively. “The guards treated Epstein worse than any other inmate.”

  Inmates had to call the guards if they needed more toilet paper or cleaning supplies, for example, but the guards specifically ignored Epstein and made him “wait for everything,” the jailhouse source claimed.

  “They would never bring it when Epstein asked,” his jailmate claimed. “They would always come if Epstein’s bunkie (bunkmate) asked for anything, but never if he did. They would always say the guard on the next shift would take care of it, then that guard would say he knew nothing about it.”

  In his hasty attempt to win over his new peers, far from the glitz, glamor—and freedom—of life past, Epstein had irreversibly alienated the true prison power players.

  The day after his first court hearing, Epstein and his victims got an unexpected surprise. Facing heavy criticism for his handling of Epstein’s 2008 case, former Miami prosecutor Alexander Acosta resigned from Trump’s cabinet under enormous pressure. Pressure, perhaps, for a public whipping boy to take the fall.

  “I thought the right thing was to step aside,” Acosta said, claiming that his continued presence as head of the United States Department of Labor would jeopardize President Trump’s goal of “putting the American people first.”

  “This was him, not me,” Trump declared. “I said, ‘You don’t have to do this.’”

  Still, one might wonder if Trump was relieved to dissolve one of the conspicuous links between him and America’s most famous pedophile, dating back decades—decades the public did not know about until this book.

  Acosta stepped down and announced that he would devote his time to helping Epstein’s rapidly expanding list of victims. At the time of this writing, it’s unclear what form that mission will take, if any.

  Back at MCC, however, Epstein and his legal team plotted their next move. Shockingly, it seemed they truly believed he was going to make bail. Epstein could have begun to daydream about a return to his mansion, with around the clock chaperones in tow, and an ankle bracelet to keep track of his every move.

  At the bail hearing on July 12, the shape of their argument emerged.

  Epstein’s attorney focused on the fact that all of the New York accusations against him were alleged to have taken place before 2005. The next fourteen years, free of any public claims, supposedly proved Epstein’s first jail term had “worked.”

  “He wasn’t a predator that couldn’t control his conduct,” Martin Weinberg told the judge. “He disciplined himself.”

  The attorney argued that Epstein was not a “future danger” to girls and could be trusted in the real world.

  “It’s not like he’s an out-of-control rapist,” counsel insisted.

  But Judge Berman was not convinced.

  “How do you know that?” the Judge pressed, clearly skeptical that the “passage of time” was the proper way to measure the danger of having Epstein on the loose.

  Assistant US Attorney Alex Rossmiller seized on that line of thinking.

  “They concede that he has to discipline himself,” the attorney answered. “This idea that he has ‘disciplined himself’ is a concession that he has an appetite for children.”

  In a Hail Mary play, Weinberg suggested setting Epstein’s bail at $100 million—or more. But Rossmiller’s determination to keep Epstein captive was unshakable.

  “What the defendant is asking for here is special treatment, to build his own jail, to be limited in his own gilded cage,” the defense attorney continued. “A person who needs these conditions should be detained. . . . He has every incentive to flee if he is released.”

  Judge Berman already knew all about the talented Mr. Epstein. He had been briefed on the pictures, the videos, the money, and the fake passport in Epstein’s safe. He was aware of Epstein’s habit of “generosity” to those who could help him get his way.

  Judge Berman had been appointed to his seat on the District Court for the Southern District of New York by Epstein’s former pal, President Bill Clinton. As a steward of the law, Berman wanted to see all of the evidence. He also wanted to hear from Epstein’s victims.

  But first, and most of all, was the pending question of whether to keep Epstein behind bars.

  Court adjourned until his decision could be rendered.

  While Judge Berman was considering the evidence, however, a new chapter to the story began. On July 17, an eighteen-year-old woman—identified in her claim as Kaitlyn Doe—filed a lawsuit claiming that Epstein had sexually violated her in October 2008, while he was on work release from prison at his West Palm Beach “Florida Science Foundation” office. She claimed that a deputy was standing outside the door the entire time and did nothing to thwart the attack.

  According to Doe, the meetings were scheduled to discuss her “necessary surgeries.” Not only did Epstein force her to perform sex acts, according to the filing; but also, Doe claimed he demanded that she marry one of his female recruiters—a non-US citizen who needed a green card.

  “Jeffrey Epstein, through his brazen and powerful organization, was quite literally able to commit federal sex trafficking offenses at his work release office, during his jail sentence,” court d
ocuments obtained for this book state.

  The victim’s attorney, Brad Edwards, came forward to claim that Epstein used his “work” during prison to sucker many women into sex.

  “They believed they were going there for something other than a sexual purpose,” Edwards said. “Not one of the individuals was a prostitute. These were all people who at that time wanted something. They came over under false pretenses and he manipulated them.”

  Upon learning about the claim, Florida Governor Ron Desantis ordered an immediate—if woefully belated—investigation into Epstein’s work-release program and the Palm Beach County Sheriff’s office.

  The following day, unsurprisingly, Epstein’s request for bail was denied.

  In his written order, Judge Berman stated:

  The Government’s evidence against Mr. Epstein appears strong. The evidence includes testimony of victims, some of whom were minor girls when they were allegedly sexually abused by Mr. Epstein; other witnesses, including potential co-conspirators; physical evidence, including passports reflecting extensive foreign travel; sexually suggestive photographs of nude underage girls; plea discussions; and police reports describing witness tampering and intimidation . . .

  This newly discovered evidence also suggests that Mr. Epstein poses ongoing and forward-looking danger. . . . Mr. Epstein’s dangerousness is considerable and includes sex crimes with minor girls and tampering with potential witnesses . . .

  Mr. Epstein’s alleged excessive attraction to sexual conduct with or in the presence of minor girls—which is said to include his soliciting and receiving massages from young girls and young women perhaps as many as four times a day—appears likely to be uncontrollable . . .

  The Court finds that the Government has shown by a preponderance of the evidence that Mr. Epstein is a flight risk. . . . The Court is also concerned for new victims. . . . The Government’s motion for remand (detention) is granted and the Defense motion for pretrial release is denied.

  Epstein’s legal team immediately protested, filing an appeal. Either missing or willfully ignoring the enormous scope of the ruling, they focused on Epstein’s fake passport. They claimed it had been used to disguise his Jewish heritage in the Middle East, where he could have been a desirable target for kidnappers. For many, that seemed like a stretch.

  A trial date was set for mid-2020 and Epstein was sent back to his cell. The judge ordered that he would stay there up until the trial.

  Of course, he would not.

  CHAPTER 14

  DEAD OR GONE

  Nights at the MCC prison were never quite silent. But on July 23, whatever peace that reigned there was shattered at 1:28 am, when guards heard a cry for help coming from within cell #123. They rushed to the cell, peered through the narrow cell door window, and saw inmate 76318–054—Jeffrey Epstein—crumpled in a fetal position on the concrete floor.

  His face, feet and hands were light blue. He seemed motionless. He looked dead.

  Epstein’s cellmate, Nicholas Tartaglione, was still shouting for assistance as the guards opened the door. They entered the cell and ordered the hulking and agitated Tartaglione to turn around. After securing him, the guards grabbed Epstein’s limp body and lifted it as if they were about to dispose of an old rug.

  Our investigation uncovered a fellow inmate who actually witnessed the incident from across the prison hall.

  “The main guy watching Epstein the night he tried to kill himself had always seemed like he didn’t want anything to do with him,” the cellblock neighbor told us exclusively.

  I heard Epstein’s bunkie call for help, and when they opened the door I saw Epstein on the floor.

  When they carried him out of the cell, they dropped him on the floor face-first. He didn’t make a sound because he was out cold. I heard his head hit the floor with a thud. I thought he was dead.

  Then they lifted him up cuffed him and dropped him AGAIN—this time face-first on the stretcher. They throw him facedown onto it. It looked like there were marks on his neck. They must have revived him with CPR.

  Indeed, the MCC medical staff successfully revived Epstein and kept him in the infirmary for the rest of the evening. They suspected his injuries were due to foul play, but Tartaglione firmly denied that conclusion. He pointed out that he actually saved Epstein’s life—a claim our prison witness corroborates.

  “I don’t think Epstein’s cellmate had anything to do with it,” the jailmate insisted. “They were good with each other. Epstein’s cellmate seemed to watch out for him. There was no way he attacked him.”

  That left only two other scenarios: Epstein’s wounds were self-inflicted. Or, someone else had managed to enter and exit the cell.

  Certainly, Epstein’s transition from the high life to prison life had been the rockiest of roads. Had he reached his breaking point in the five days since being denied bail? It seems incredibly unlikely. If shape-shifting Epstein had one enduring quality, it was a belief that he was above the law.

  That presented the second possibility. One that was much more nefarious. While Epstein tried to silence his victims, was someone else trying to silence him?

  Certainly, the walls of the MCC would prove no match for a team as sophisticated as the Kremlin or Mossad. At that time, however, it was a line of investigation that the Bureau of Prisons and the Department of Justice—led by William Barr, remember, the son of Epstein’s old Dalton connection—did not seem interested in pursuing.

  The event had left Epstein startlingly pale and gaunt, but prison officials felt that the neck abrasions didn’t reflect an earnest suicide attempt. In their opinion, Epstein had staged the incident to garner sympathy from the court. Indeed, the marks on his neck were not immediately visible when he appeared in court again just a few days later.

  “We don’t know at this point whether his injuries are caused by a suicide attempt or an attack by others,” victims’ attorney Gloria Allred said at the time.

  “However he sustained his injuries, we want him to be forced to face a jury and respond to the serious charges that he is facing.”

  To that end, the MCC’s most notorious new inmate was relocated to the more secure suicide prevention wing. But for Epstein, it only made life behind bars worse.

  Epstein’s new home was a solitary confinement unit, where conditions were even more dire than in 9-South. The few “luxuries” that he had been allowed there were revoked while he sat alone in his suicide-risk room.

  All objects that Epstein could potentially use to inflict bodily harm were not allowed. He had no clothing or bed linens to strangle himself with, only a gown and bedding “blanket” made of paper that prevented him from self-harm. He had no books, no mail, and wasn’t provided with anything to pass the time. He had a fixed desk and stool, but no reason to use it. He had a shower, but the faucet had an “off” timer to prevent him from drowning himself in a clogged drain. This was by design.

  For meals, Epstein was given crude, single-ingredient sandwiches. At night, the lights never went out, so the guard stationed outside his cell could observe him at all times.

  Epstein also wasn’t allowed visitors or phone calls during his observational period. If he wanted to die, he’d have to—literally—bash his own brains out.

  While on suicide watch, Epstein had daily psychiatric evaluations. However, they were very brief in length. A single psychologist serviced both the MCC and the 1,600-inmate Metropolitan Detention Center in Brooklyn, a workload that was obscene by any standard.

  After a few days in this veritable torture chamber, the cold reality of his predicament must have set in.

  For nearly five decades, Epstein had spoiled himself with an unbroken chain of instant gratification. He did what he wanted, when he wanted, and how he wanted. He ate well and considered restaurants filthy. He practiced yoga and showered several times a day. He slept with the A/C at polar temperatures and started every day with the same special bran muffin. He had butlers, chauffeurs, and private chefs.

/>   Life in the suicide ward, for a soulless individual like Epstein, would have been intolerable. So, as he had done for years, he decided to use someone else to better his situation: He blamed his injuries on cellmate Tartaglione.

  “It’s simply, patently false to say that Epstein did anything other than try to kill himself,” said Tartaglione’s attorney Bruce Barket, who confirmed that Epstein and Taraglione were “friends” and that MCC “cleared” his client of wrongdoing.

  But Epstein’s lawyers convinced prison staff, and he used his silver tongue to convince his shrink that he had been cured—of his suicidal impulses, at least.

  “Once an inmate is placed on suicide watch, the watch may only be terminated by a Bureau [of Prisons] psychologist following a face-to-face evaluation of the inmate,” Assistant Attorney General Stephen E. Boyd would later confirm.

  “Mr. Epstein was later removed from suicide watch after being evaluated by a doctoral-level psychologist who determined that suicide watch was no longer warranted.”

  But according to forensic psychiatrist Dr. Ziv Cohen, who has made the rounds at MCC, “Any case where someone had a proven or suspected serious suicide attempt, that would be unusual to within two to three weeks take them off suicide watch.”

  Such protocol is in place to protect the prison’s residents. But to some, Epstein’s well-being was the last thing on the guards’ minds.

  “The guards were happy Epstein was trying to kill himself,” his jailmate told these authors. “They laughed at him. The guards definitely didn’t like Epstein. I think they took him off suicide watch and put him back on 9-South intentionally.”

  In any case, on July 29, Epstein shuffled back to his former digs, where he rejoined Tartaglione.

  Former warden Cameron Lindsay, who was a member of the US Department of Justice’s Senior Executive Service when he retired from the Federal Bureau of Prisons, told reporter Doug Montero that Epstein’s speedy removal from suicide watch was “shocking.”