The Economics of Artificial Intelligence

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The Economics of Artificial Intelligence Page 26

by Ajay Agrawal


  Decision- making

  Sensor data fusion

  Image alignment

  Machine intelligence

  Systems and control theory

  Optimal search

  Neural network

  Layered control systems

  Symbolic reasoning

  Symbolic error analysis

  References

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  tion.” Econometrica 60 (2): 323– 51.

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  The Impact of Artifi cial Intelligence on Innovation 145

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  Data with Neural Networks.” Science 313 (5786): 504– 07.

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  Man’: Is Innovation Getting Harder?” Review of Economic Studies 76 (1): 283– 317.

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  ing in Genomic Medicine: A Review of Computational Problems and Data Sets.”

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  Patent Assignment Dataset: Descriptions and Analysis.” USPTO Working Paper

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  Innovation: Implications for Organization Science.” Organization Science 18 (6): 1006– 21.

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  nal of Political Economy 67 (3): 297– 306.

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  Problem Solving.” Psychological Review 6 (3): 151– 66.

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  bols and Search.” Communications of the ACM 19 (3): 113– 26.

  Nilsson, N. 2010. The Quest for Artifi cial Intelligence: A History of Ideas and Achievements. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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  98 (5): S71– 102.

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  age and Organization in the Brain.” Psychological Review 65 (6): 386– 408.

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  146 Matthew Mitchell

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  Comment Matthew Mitchell

  In their very interesting chapter, Cockburn, Henderson, and Stern make the

  case that artifi cial intelligence (AI) might serve as a general purpose tech-

  nology in the production of innovations. My discussion centers on what this

  might mean for policy, and especially policies surrounding intellectual prop-

  erty (IP) protection. In particular, AI is likely to bring up new questions that

  are familiar from old IP debates about the balance between rewarding inno-

  vation and fears that this protection might in turn deter future innovation.

  Is AI a Technology for Innovation or Imitation?

  It is not obvious whether AI is a general purpose technology for innova-

  tion or a very effi

  cient method of imitation. The answer has direct rele-

  vance for policy. A technology that made innovation cheaper would often

  (but not always) imply less need for strong IP protection, since the balance

  would swing toward limiting monopoly power and away from compensating

  innovation costs. To the extent that a technology reduces cost of imitation, />
  however, it typically necessitates greater protection.

  New technology is often useful for both innovation and imitation. For

  instance technologies like plastic molds, which can off er the possibility of

  new designs and therefore foster innovation, also lead to greater possibili-

  ties for reverse engineering. Machine learning is, in a sense, a sophisticated

  sort of mimicking; it sees what “works” (by some criterion) and fi nds ways

  to exploit that relationship. Therefore it seems that AI might be a general

  purpose technology for either innovation or imitation.

  Consider a news aggregator. Many of these aggregators work because

  of some form of machine learning; they match the user to news stories that

  are predicted to be of interest. This is clearly a service that generates value,

  and would not exist in anything like its realized form in the absence of the

  underlying AI technology. But some news sites have argued that this con-

  stitutes infringement of their copyright. Semantically there is a question: Is

  the aggregator technology an innovation or is it imitation?

  Matthew Mitchell is professor of economic analysis and policy at the University of Toronto.

  For acknowledgments, sources of research support, and disclosure of the author’s material fi nancial relationships, if any, please see http:// www .nber .org/ chapters/ c14023.ack.

  Comment 147

  Of course the answer is that it is both. It is much like the case of sequen-

  tial innovations, where a later innovation builds on the earlier one, and at

  the same time uses and improves upon the prior. In those cases, to decide

  if the new innovation is a suffi

  cient breakthrough on the old, words like

  “non obvious” are employed in patent law. It is not completely clear how

  such words would apply to innovations that are made by machines; non-

  obviousness is designed in terms of a “person having ordinary skill in the

  art” and therefore is fundamentally about the human brain. How we will

  answer semantic questions like “what is obvious?” in a world where innova-

  tions are generated by machines will be central, and diffi

  cult, if we are to

  balance IP rewards and costs.

  Situations like that of news aggregators have largely been managed, in

  practice, by the internet version of contracts. A news source can make its

  articles visible or invisible to the aggregator by blocking the content through

  a robots .txt fi le. That leaves only a competition concern: if news aggregators

  are few, they may still have monopoly power over creators of underlying

  content, making it diffi

  cult to solve problems simply by allowing content

  providers to opt out. The aggregator might control so much consumer atten-

  tion that a news source cannot be viable without it.

  Hammers That Make Nails

  The aggregator example brings up the question of what policies might

  foster competition in a world where innovations are made using AI. Cock-

  burn, Henderson, and Stern highlight the importance of data sharing and

  availability as an essential input in a world where the data itself is an input

  into the production of innovation by AI. This is clearly of critical impor-

  tance. One issue that complicates policy is that the innovations may not

  only be produced from data, but also generate new data. Google’s search engine generated data from users because it was a superior engine in the

  fi rst place, but this can undoubtedly cement Google’s market position. In a

  sense, asking the right questions or solving the right problems initially can

  generate users and data that lead to more innovations in the future. It is like

  a hammer that both needs nails to be productive, and also produces nails;

  being the fi rst user of the hammer magnifi es the advantage by creating more

  of the complementary input.

  Here the economics literature on IP highlights two eff ects to balance:

  giving property rights to data (and not forcing the nails to be shared) is an

  encouragement to using the hammer in the fi rst place (since it increases the

  value of the nails it produces) but also can make the hammer- nail tech-

  nology less effi

  cient for other fi rms (since they have less access to nails as

  an input). Striking the right balance on property rights for data strikes at

  the heart of the classic debate on how much competition is good for inno-

  vation.

  148 Matthew Mitchell

  Competition, Innovation, and Privacy

  Whinston (2012) summarizes the classic forces of competition before and

  after innovation: Arrow (1962) suggests that ex ante competition is good

  for innovation, whereas Schumpeter (1942) argues that ex post competition

  is bad for innovation. Because today’s innovations tend to lead to future

  innovations, for instance, through the data they generate if AI were involved,

  there is unfortunately no clear distinction between ex ante and ex post to

  serve as a rule. In the case of data, there is another force: privacy. It may be

  distasteful to enforce a data- sharing standard that would lead to multiple

  fi rms having the inputs necessary to attack the same problem. Goldfarb and

  Tucker (2012) point out that this means that privacy policy is connected to

  innovation policy more generally. Restrictions on data ownership will mean

  restrictions on a vital input into the innovation production process when

  innovations are produced with AI.

  Since privacy concerns will likely mean less competition for innovation

  technologies built on AI, policymakers will have to be vigilant about insuf-

  fi cient competition. Since concern about insuffi

  cient competition harming

  innovation is largely about a lack of ex ante competition, the most important

  areas will be innovations in the early stage, relatively uncluttered areas of

  the technology space. Tailoring innovation policy in a new world of AI-

  generated innovations will require taking care to heed the general lessons

  of balancing benefi ts and costs of market power, while at the same time

  taking seriously the important new issues that are specifi c to the AI context.

  Cockburn, Henderson, and Stern’s work helps us to better understand that

  context.

  References

  Arrow, K. 1962. “Economic Welfare and the Allocation of Resources to Invention.”

  In The Rate and Direction of Inventive Activity: Economic and Social Factors,

  edited by Universities- National Bureau Committee for Economic Research and

  the Committee on Economic Growth of the Social Science Research Councils,

  467– 92. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

  Goldfarb, Avi, and Catherine Tucker. 2012. “Privacy and Innovation.” In Innovation

  Policy and the Economy, vol. 12, edited by Josh Lerner and Scott Stern, 65– 89.

  Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

  Schumpeter, Joseph. 1942. Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy. New York: Harper

  & Brothers.

  Whinston, Michael D. 2012. “Comment on ‘Competition and Innovation: Did

  Arrow Hit the Bull’s Eye?’ ” In The Rate and Direction of Inventive Activity Revis-

  ited, edited by Josh Lerner and Scott Stern, 404– 10. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

&nb
sp; 5

  Finding Needles in Haystacks

  Artifi cial Intelligence and

  Recombinant Growth

  Ajay Agrawal, John McHale, and Alexander Oettl

  The potential for continued economic growth comes from the vast

  search space that we can explore. The curse of dimensionality is, for

  economic purposes, a remarkable blessing. To appreciate the potential

  for discovery, one need only consider the possibility that an extremely

  small fraction of the large number of potential mixtures may be valu-

  able. (Romer 1993, 68– 69)

  Deep learning is making major advances in solving problems that

  have resisted the best attempts of the artifi cial intelligence community

  for years. It has turned out to be very good at discovering intricate

  structure in high- dimensional data and is therefore applicable to many

  domains of science, business, and government. (LeCun, Bengio, and

  Hinton 2015, 436)

  5.1 Introduction

  What are the prospects for technology- driven economic growth? Tech-

  nological optimists point to the ever- expanding possibilities for combin-

  Ajay Agrawal is the Peter Munk Professor of Entrepreneurship at the Rotman School of

  Management, University of Toronto, and a research associate of the National Bureau of Economic Research. John McHale is Established Professor of Economics and Dean of the College of Business, Public Policy, and Law at the National University of Ireland. Alexander Oettl is associate professor of strategy and innovation at the Georgia Institute of Technology and a research associate of the National Bureau of Economic Research.

  We thank Kevin Bryan, Joshua Gans, and Chad Jones for thoughtful input on this chap-

  ter. We gratefully acknowledge fi nancial support from Science Foundation Ireland, the Social Sciences Research Council of Canada, the Centre for Innovation and Entrepreneurship at the Rotman School of Management, and the Whitaker Institute for Innovation and Societal Development. For acknowledgments, sources of research support, and disclosure of the authors’

  material fi nancial relationships, if any, please see http:// www .nber .org/ chapters/ c14024.ack.

  149

  150 Ajay Agrawal, John McHale, and Alexander Oettl

  ing existing knowledge into new knowledge (Romer 1990, 1993; Weitzman

  1998; Arthur 2009; Brynjolfsson and McAfee 2014). The counter case

  put forward by technological pessimists is primarily empirical: growth at

  the technological frontier has been slowing down rather than speeding up

 

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