During the summer of 1469 the crisis gathered momentum. Warwick and Clarence took control of London, Edward found himself a virtual prisoner at the hands of Warwick. Earl Rivers, Sir John Woodville, William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, and the Earl of Devon, along with many others, paid with their lives for Edward’s strangely lethargic response to the rebellion. When the Bishop of Rochester arrived to report on Warwick’s coup d’état, Charles was away in Holland.83 The news was a personal embarrassment to the Duchess. Far from being a diplomatic asset to Burgundy she was now the sister of an imprisoned English King. Moreover England now had two imprisoned kings, confirming popular continental opinion that it was a land of anarchy, violence and blasphemy, where consecrated monarchs could be set aside at the whim of the rebellious nobility. Would Warwick create yet another King out of the Duke of Clarence?
The Burgundian court was very concerned and attempts were made to intervene. Sometime during that summer Charles made contact with the corporation and merchants of London promising them his goodwill as long as they remained loyal to King Edward.84 The city listened to his advice, especially since the new Anglo-Burgundian accord on exchange rates had just been reached and the merchant community wanted nothing to delay its operation. In September, the city issued a proclamation against all rioters, especially against anyone causing an affray against the new commercial accord. This pressure, together with a Lancastrian rising in favour of Henry VI alarmed Warwick, who was obliged to restore Edward and allow his return to London. A public reconciliation was staged between the King, Clarence and Warwick, but the Queen was not likely to forgive the murder of her father and brother, and it was only a matter of time before the restored King would act to crush his former rebels. The proclamation of Princess Elizabeth as the heir-apparent was an open move against the pretensions of the Duke of Clarence. Duchess Cecily worked hard to achieve a real accord between her sons and as late as March 1470 she called Edward and Clarence together at Baynard’s Castle to arrange a lasting settlement.
Margaret was also kept informed and Edward made an effort to strengthen his relations with Duke Charles. In January 1470 Edward sent another delegation to Ghent bearing a magnificently jewelled Garter which he had commissioned from John Brown of London at a cost of £8, 6s, 8d.85 This was presented to Charles in Margaret’s presence. Among the Duke’s treasures looted by the Swiss at the battle of Grandson was a very fine garter, probably this one. Charles was proud to belong to an order dedicated to St George, to whom he was particularly devoted. He had always observed the saint’s day and St George was portrayed as his patron on the reliquary he had presented to St Lambert’s Cathedral at Liège.
Although Margaret may have hoped that this embassy marked the end of the troubles in England, by February rebellion broke out again. Typically the fighting began in Lincolnshire with a personal quarrel between the son of that ‘lovely lady Willoughby’, who had accompanied Margaret to her wedding, and Sir Thomas Burgh, the Master of the King’s Horse. The disturbances spread, inflamed by the activities of Warwick and Clarence.86 Edward’s victory over the Lincolnshire rebels at Empingham on 12 March served to isolate them and, fearing reprisals, they fled to Calais where Warwick’s old ally, Lord Wenlock, refused them entry. Wenlock was later rewarded by Charles, so closely was Burgundy now involved with the troubles in England.87
Charles was soon to be even more deeply involved in the conflict because Warwick seized ships belonging to merchants from the Low Countries. The Duke protested vigorously to Louis XI when Warwick was allowed to take his pirated ships into the shelter of the French ports in open contravention of the treaty of Peronne. On 15 July, Charles made a threatening statement in front of the whole court saying that, ‘among us Portuguese [an unusual reference to his mother’s native land] it is a custom that when those we had regarded as friends make peace with our enemies we consign them to hell.’88
Louis was not yet ready for a war with Burgundy so he ordered the English lords to leave his lands, although he did offer hospitality to their ladies, sent a bale of silk to Clarence and offered to meet them privately. Charles, well aware of these machinations, retaliated by confiscating the goods of all the French merchants in Bruges, while he kept in close contact with Edward informing him of the movements of the rebels.
Throughout the summer of 1470 the court in Burgundy appeared to be more concerned about the situation in England than Edward was himself. Repeatedly Charles warned Edward of the threats of invasion emanating from France and Margaret wrote to both of her brothers. According to Commynes, her letters reached Clarence even when he was in France, through a lady in his wife Isabel’s entourage.89 Nothing she wrote discouraged Clarence from entering into the alliance now arranged by Warwick and Louis XI. Margaret of Anjou was prevailed upon to make common cause with her old enemies and Louis even persuaded her to allow her son Edward to marry Warwick’s second daughter Anne. Clarence was drawn into the alliance by being named as heir in the event of this marriage having no issue. The rebels promised to restore Henry VI and with the help of France they prepared to invade England. They landed in Devon early in September and rallied more support as they marched towards London.
In spite of all Charles’ warnings, Edward was totally unprepared to meet the invasion. Queen Elizabeth fled with her daughters into the sanctuary of Westminster Abbey and Edward IV, with a few hundred of his closest supporters, fled the country altogether. He left King’s Lynn on 29 September accompanied by his youngest brother Richard, Duke of Gloucester, his brother-in-law Anthony, now Earl Rivers, and his most loyal friend Lord Hastings. The readeption of King Henry VI began on 15 October when the gentle King was brought out of the Tower to the acclaim of the fickle London crowd. In France, Queen Margaret and her son Edward, Prince of Wales, celebrated with a Te Deum and prepared to return to England.
Edward’s small fleet was scattered as it was pursued across the Channel by hostile ships and storms and it eventually landed along a wide stretch of the coast of the Low Countries.90 Gloucester and Rivers arrived at Weilingen in Zeeland and the King with Hastings came ashore on the island of Texel much further to the north. Edward and his party were brought on to Alkmaar and by the middle of October the English refugees had been reassembled at The Hague, where they were received by the Lord of Gruuthuyse on behalf of Duke Charles. The English were heavily dependent on their hosts. They had left England in such haste that they had very little money with them. Gloucester had to borrow from the town bailiff of Veer to pay for his minor expenses and Gruuthuyse sent his men out scouring the countryside to find rabbits to feed the unexpected guests.
Margaret must have heard of Edward’s arrival when she was in Brussels and she sent the messengers on at once to inform Charles, who was at Hesdin. The arrival of his brother-in-law as a penniless exile was an embarrassment to Charles. Far from proving himself a useful ally, Edward was clearly a liability likely to drag Burgundy into a war with both France and England. Charles had already been playing a devious game, allowing the Dukes of Somerset and Exeter to leave his lands and travel to France in support of the Lancastrian cause.91 Now he played for time and Edward was left in the competent hands of Gruuthuyse while Charles congratulated King Henry VI on his readeption. Although money was sent to cover their expenses, the Yorkist exiles were kept in the north far from the court. Margaret made no public contact with her brother but throughout October and November messengers with secret letters moved between the exiles and the Burgundian court.92 By 29 November the Duchess had joined her husband at Hesdin where they remained throughout Christmas.
Charles’ uncertainties over his English policies were soon resolved for him by the actions of Warwick and Louis XI. The latter, secure in a new English alliance and with the promised neutrality of Brittany, was at last confident enough to challenge the treaty of Peronne which he had always regarded as unfavourable to France. By December French intentions towards Burgundy were openly hostile and Louis was rumoured to be behind a plot to kill Charles w
hile he was out hunting near Le Crotoy.93 Charles was denounced for accepting the Order of the Garter, since, as a vassal of the French King, he was not permitted to become a member of a foreign chivalric order and Louis enforced a boycott on Burgundian trade. Finally on 3 December Louis made an open declaration of war, claiming that all Charles possessions were forfeit to the crown of France because he had broken his oath of allegiance. As a result of this aggression, Charles was obliged to give his full backing to the restoration of Edward IV and at last Margaret was allowed to invite her brother to join them in the south.
During the Christmas period, preparations were made to receive the English King and his companions at court. Edward came down to Ostcamp, near Bruges, the country castle of Louis of Gruuthuyse. Charles ordered £20,000 to be made available for an expedition to England and on 2 January the two men met for the first time at the castle of La Motte.94 Three days later Edward rode on to Hesdin to visit his sister. During the next three weeks there were several meetings between Margaret and both of her brothers. Preparations were soon underway for another invasion of England and in addition to the ducal contribution which included three or four ships fitted out at Veer, the merchants and bankers in Flanders, Holland and Zeeland were encouraged to lend money for the venture, and the local Hanseatic traders provided another fourteen ships.
Margaret was now very active, rallying support for her brother and urging the cities to raise money for the expedition. On 24 February five Dutch towns, including Leiden, agreed to make a loan of 6,000 florins to ‘my gracious lady of Burgundy and the King Edward of England, her brother if my gracious lord [Charles] will approve.’95 The Duchess left Hesdin for Lille on 19 January and early in February Gloucester visited his sister and her step-daughter and stayed for a couple of nights. By this time, Charles was with his armies in Picardy and on the Somme. St Quentin was lost to the French and near Calais there were clashes between Burgundian troops and English soldiers loyal to King Henry VI.
Accompanying the military preparations for the invasion of England was a battery of propaganda. Jean Mielot, a poet in Charles’ entourage, compared the Duke of Burgundy to Jason assisting the giant Anticles, a reference to Edward’s great height, to regain his island where wolves were devouring his sheep.96 Once more the Argosy provided a useful source for the analogies. There were many who thought that Edward’s chances of regaining his throne were very fictional indeed. The ambassador of Milan commented that it was ‘difficult to leave by the door and return by the window’ and he thought Edward would ‘leave his skin there’.97
In England the readeption government was facing serious difficulties. The redistribution of land had left many dissatisfied and Clarence was becoming increasingly doubtful about his attachment to a cause which meant that instead of being brother of the King he was merely the brother-in-law of the heir-apparent. Continual pressure on him from the Yorkist ladies was having its effect. The Dowager Duchess Cecily and her two daughters in England, the Duchesses of Exeter and Suffolk, brought their arguments to bear on Edward’s behalf, but their efforts were restrained by their residence in England. Margaret, however, was free to make the most open cause for Edward and in the eyes of her contemporaries it was her ‘great and diligent effort’ with her servants and messengers travelling at all seasons which won Clarence back to his old allegiance.98 Even before Edward finally sailed for England, Clarence had probably made up his mind to change sides.
Edward’s five months in the Low Countries were not entirely preoccupied with the preparations for his return. He was very impressed by the high standards of the Burgundian court and admired the jewels, plate, tapestries, paintings and especially the books and manuscripts which were displayed to him both by Lord Louis of Gruuthuyse and by Margaret at Hesdin.
Gruuthuyse’s collection was one of the finest libraries in Europe, and after his death it was bought by Louis XII of France and became the core of the French royal library.99 Many of his books had been commissioned from the master bookmakers of Bruges and he was a friend of Collard Mansion who ran a workshop in the city. William Caxton had joined the Duchess’ service as a business adviser soon after her marriage. He too was well acquainted with Collard Mansion and the first book ever to be printed in English was made by Caxton on Collard’s press. It was perhaps in 1471 that Caxton made his first contact with Earl Rivers who would later become his patron. As a result of his stay in the Low Countries and his discussions with two such knowledgeable bibliophiles as Margaret and Lord Louis, Edward became seriously interested in building up a royal library. After his restoration Edward began to buy in a large number of books and manuscripts, which were to become the core of the royal library of England. His taste was never as discriminating as his sister’s and he seemed to have preferred quantity to quality.
Edward was also influenced by other aspects of the ‘Burgundian Renaissance’ which was in full flower by the late fifteenth century. The Gruuthuyse Palace at Bruges was a fine example of Flemish architecture and of the decorated brickwork for which Flanders was famous. It was built to a very high standard of comfort and elegance, and inside it was furnished with stained glass windows and tapestries. While Edward was at Bruges, Gruuthuyse was planning an extension which would give the house an oratory overlooking the sanctuary of the Church of Our Lady.100 This oratory was completed in 1474 and is a gem of Flemish Gothic architecture, light, elegant and charming. Several elements of its design would be incorporated into the King’s new chapel of St George at Windsor.
Edward’s palace at Sheen was also rebuilt in the Flemish style, with patterned brickwork and large windows. Indeed many of the features popularly regarded as Tudor date from half a century earlier and have their origin in the architectural styles of the Low Countries. Edward’s exile in Holland, Zeeland and Flanders and his close contact with Margaret served to increase the numbers of Flemish artisans working in England and to promote high standards of craftsmanship and design. Edward and his entourage were impressed by the whole conduct of the Burgundian court and after their return Lord Hastings consulted Olivier de La Marche on the establishment of the ducal household. Perhaps it was hoped that by copying the Burgundian model the Yorkist court could establish itself as an oasis of correct procedures in the uncertain and turbulent world of English politics.101
In spite of his natural anxieties over his future, Edward appears to have enjoyed his time in Bruges. He took his leave with a gesture that was typical of this good humoured man by walking from Bruges to Damme so that he could be seen by as many of the citizens as possible and thank them for all their support.102 By 2 March he was on board the ‘Anthony’, a ship belonging to Henry of Borselem, Gruuthuyse’s brother-in-law and one of the admirals of the duchy. After a delay caused by contrary winds, the fleet of about thirty-six ships set sail. The invading army was not very large and when Edward found his landing at Cromer opposed by the Earl of Oxford, he sailed north and landed at Ravenser on the north bank of the Humber. Assuring everyone that he had come (like Bolingbroke before him) only to claim his rightful duchy, he was permitted to enter the city of York, though his army was obliged to remain outside the walls. From York he made contact with his friends and relatives in England, especially Clarence. Assured that support was widespread he began to march south and by the time he reached the Midlands, Clarence was on his way to meet him.
Margaret, who kept herself closely in touch with all the developments in England, wrote to the Dowager Duchess Isabelle to describe the meeting of the two brothers:
My lord the King and brother coming with all his people one morning and my brother Clarence coming also with great strength towards him they found themselves, by chance, close to each other near a town called Bancbry [Banbury]. Each of them put their people in readiness and Clarence with a small company left his people behind him and approached my lord and brother who saw him coming and Lord Clarence threw himself on his knees so that my lord and brother seeing his humility and hearing his words, lifted him up and
embraced him several times and gave him his good cheer and then he [Clarence] cried ‘Long live King Edward.’103
Once the brothers had settled their differences (for the time being at least), Clarence appears to have tried to win over Warwick but he tried in vain. There was nothing that the Lancastrians could do to stop Edward entering London and taking possession of the city. Commynes commented sourly that Edward was welcomed so warmly into London because he owed so much both to the merchants and to their wives.104 But in fact the various anti-Burgundian measures imposed by the readeption government had dislocated trade and the city burgesses were anxious to restore the Anglo-Burgundian trade treaties.
The two Kings’ armies met in the field at Barnet. It was a hard fought battle and marked a decisive victory for the Yorkists. Margaret wrote to Isabelle that her brother had an army of 12,000 men and contemporaries put the casualties at between 1,000 and 4,000, one of whom was Warwick. It was widely rumoured that he had been taken alive and then killed on Edward’s orders. In her letters to Isabelle, Margaret endeavoured to clear her brother of all blame for his cousin’s death.105 She claimed that Warwick had indeed been taken alive and that, as he was being led towards Edward, another group of soldiers arrived on the scene, recognised him and killed him. Edward had arrived too late to rescue his cousin and was full of sorrow. As well as absolving Edward from all responsibility for Warwick’s death, Margaret also had to explain to Isabelle, who was very interested in her Neville cousins, why Edward had the bodies of both Warwick and his younger brother Montague exposed to public gaze at St Paul’s. It was, she wrote:
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