All I wanted to do was forget about it. Like my dad always does, I wanted to do my best to move on.
But to what?
SINCE THE ELECTION, I HAVE FOUND MYSELF RELATING to my dad in so many new ways—and admiring what he has brought to politics and the party over the years. He has made a career of thinking for himself, and not accepting the status quo or groupthink. That’s what got him the reputation for being a maverick.
But when I thought back on the campaign, and my own behavior, I cringed. There were things that I wished I’d done differently, and lots of things I wished I had never said. I’m not sure I handled the pressure and intense emotion as well as I could have. If only I had been more grown-up, or even just five years older.
Looking back, I believe a lot of my frustration was due to the constrained bubble world of a national campaign. I had been raised to speak my mind freely and be independent. If there was one thing that my dad wanted for me—and all his kids—it was to be strong, think for ourselves, and support ourselves. We were never supposed to rely on government or family money or a trust fund to take care of us. We were supposed to work, make a life for ourselves, and find a way to make things better around us.
But a national presidential campaign has to put forward one candidate—one agenda, one message, one set of views. The family of the candidate isn’t supposed to disagree or offer alternatives. The spouses of the candidates have to remain pretty silent—and just go along with the script. My mom is miraculously good at this. But even an old hand at politics, like former president Bill Clinton when campaigning for his wife in 2008, gets in trouble if he says too much.
I understood the reasoning. In the white noise rising from the campaign and all the candidates participating, it is important to hear each candidate loudly and clearly. My father was running for president, not me or my mom. And it was important for voters to really know him, and his views. If there was a chorus of dissenting opinions or different voices emerging from the campaign, his voice would get drowned out.
And then there was the Republican Party to consider. It was one thing to toe the line for my dad, who loved and appreciated and respected me—in spite of our differences. I could do that. But it was another to toe the line for a party that I felt increasingly alienated from.
More than anything, the campaign experience had opened my eyes to the inner workings and culture of the Republican Party. It had its own platform and agenda and base. And increasingly, this base was becoming narrower and narrower. It was no longer the party of the individual.
It was no longer the party of fiscal conservatives. George Bush had grown the federal budget in an unprecedented way. Under his leadership, it had moved farther and farther Right too, and was now a huddling mass of groupthinkers. The base, although critical of Bush, was spending all its time in a corner—a Far Right corner—and as far as I could tell, if it wanted to keep losing elections, it should stay there. It was becoming unappealing to moderates and people of my generation, who were now passionately politicized and voting in record numbers. And it was completely unappealing to the cross-over electorate who had voted for Ronald Reagan in 1981.
What had happened to the party of You Live Your Life and I’ll Live Mine? What happened to the party that loved the notion of self-reliance and, my personal favorite, individualism? I couldn’t help but yearn for the conservative philosophies of those two great men Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan, who believed it was our differences and varying viewpoints that made this country so truly great. What would they say about the party now?
With the rise of hate radio, media bullies, and Far Right groups, the environment has become constrained and narrow. These people are holding the party hostage, and always evoking the name Ronald Reagan, and claiming some kind of affiliation with his politics—and his ability to win elections. But Reagan did not win in 1981 because of the religious Right. He won with Democrats. He won with moderates. He won because his ideas were new and exciting—and appealed to a broad spectrum.
The bedrock of the Republican Party is freedom of the individual. Not groupthink. Not hatred. Not moral codes that we are supposed to live up to.
Goldwater and Reagan believed in freedom, true freedom, for all Americans to live out their lives in the way they choose. The way each American chooses, not their party, not their government, not a religious movement or an angry radio host.
You know, it’s simple and powerful and beautiful. You live your life and I’ll live mine. And I know in my heart that other members of my generation—a wonderful generation of enlightened souls—would feel energized and excited by these ideas if they were communicated properly, without dirty mudslinging and vicious venom, without unnecessary name-calling. Infused by new blood and new ideas, and new energy—optimism, not hate and negativity—the party could rise to prominence again. It would grow, expand, and become vital again.
I am not saying that we should abandon the core ideals that the Republican Party was built on. I am saying it is time to remember them.
It is time to return to honoring the individual. We need to make room for all Republicans. Today! Not tomorrow, but right now.
We shouldn’t have to look a certain way, or live a certain way. That means that my gay friends, like Josh, shouldn’t have to pretend they aren’t gay—or have an unequal, Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell kind of lifestyle if they want to find a place in the Republican Party.
That means that my moderate friends shouldn’t feel like outsiders. And my friends with tattoos and nose rings or women, like me, who like to wear leggings and not pantsuits—they shouldn’t have to think twice about whether their bodies or clothing matched their political philosophy.
Being a Republican is not a lifestyle choice. And it doesn’t mean you can’t be young, or gay, or black, or anything else. It doesn’t mean you listen to a certain kind of music or live in a certain kind of house.
And it shouldn’t be controversial to be like me—a straight, pro-life Christian who is utterly determined to pass gay marriage in this country, who believes in a strong national defense, is worried about climate change, continues to support the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and who thinks government is best when it is efficient and accountable and stays out of people’s lives and business.
There. I said it.
Those are my beliefs.
Do you think I should become a Democrat?
Of course not. In the last year, as a result of the campaign and what I learned, this is where my passion lies—and sense of purpose. I want to see if I can get the Republican Party to wake up.
Wake up!
Think for a moment about the negative voices that you hear on the radio and TV—on the Right and the Left. These people are selling hate and fear—and getting rich from it. These radio and TV stars care more about getting rich than they care about the future of this country, or the health of either political party. They make money by polarizing and spreading fear.
Think for a moment about the intolerant Far Right and its agenda. I am a passionate Christian, but I would never force my religious views on other individuals or want to see the agenda of the Republican Party narrowed to accommodate only one moral code. If the party continues to care only about these members, it will become smaller and smaller—and less relevant.
It is bad enough to find yourself put in a box by your opposition. But when a political party starts putting itself in a box, it is not a box. It is a coffin.
A new generation of Americans will be growing up and reaching political maturity in the next twenty years. And believe me, this amazing generation of passionate people—who were taught to volunteer, express their views, and pitch in—has more complicated views about church than it does about gays or premarital sex. This is why the party needs to wake up to gay marriage being a civil rights issue.
Wake up!
Wake up to new technology—the vast social networking sites like Facebook, MySpace, YouTube, and Twitter that have opened up a new world to thos
e who weren’t previously interested in politics. With the simple push of a button you can create a whole new movement with a whole new audience.
Wake up to the wonderful melting pot of America, where people of all colors and backgrounds and lifestyles are eager to connect with a political system that wants them, and speaks to them!
Wake up to the core ideal of the Republican Party—the freedom of the individual, the party of Abraham Lincoln—which brings us together more than it pulls us apart. We can disagree on all kinds of things, but we must stand together for equality, for freedom, for the ideals that make this country unique and great—and why so many people around the world dream of getting a chance to live here.
America is the home of the individual, where a woman like me can stop worrying about fitting in—and follow her passion instead.
Don’t let me pick up this torch alone.
Acknowledgments
I FEEL UNBELIEVABLY LUCKY TO HAVE GOTTEN A CHANCE to write this book. It couldn’t have happened without the help and support of many people. First off, I’d like to thank my father’s campaign staff, who devoted so many months and energy to a cause greater than themselves. To those staffers who are still speaking to me, and even those who aren’t, I’d like to say thank you for inspiring and putting up with me.
Senator Joe Lieberman and Senator Lindsey Graham dispensed jokes and wisdom, and kept me in good spirits, throughout the campaign. I’d like to thank them for their acceptance and understanding and affection. Besides my dad, they are my two favorite men in politics. Flip Brophy saw potential in me when nobody else did—and made this book happen—for which I am so grateful. Flip, you are the Jewish mother I never had. Ellen Archer and Elizabeth Sabo at Hyperion gave me a great home in the book publishing world, and brought with them Kristin Kiser, Sarah Rucker, Marie Coolman, Christine Ragasa, and Laura Klynstra. I can’t thank them all enough.
For the last eighteen months, Laurye Blackford has stuck with me through Twitter photo dramas and book deadline meltdowns. I want to thank her for helping me keep my life together, and for her advice and friendship. About those meltdowns . . . When I freaked out and thought I didn’t know how to write a book, Martha Sherrill was there to tell me I could. Thank you for making this book a reality.
My friends are epically loyal, especially my Arizona girls. You know who you are, and you know I love you. Ramin Setoodeh, thank you for your amazing friendship and for reading this book in an early draft and offering great ideas and help. I’m grateful for my online followers for being supportive and keeping an open mind about politics. Bob Heckman and Leslee Sherrill gave me good advice and Stephen Talt offered support. Thank you.
I was lucky to have Adam Bonska photograph the book cover. He and his crew—Jeff Parshley and Chris Hayden—made the shoot a joy instead of a drain. Thanks also to Kari and Gary Johnson of Have Trunk, Will Travel and their sweet elephant, Tai. She was such a good sport.
My writing life began with the help of Shannon Bae and Heather Brand, who, along with Rob Kubasko, Melissa Shuffield, Frank La Rose, Claire Merkel, and Nancy Ives, nurtured and supported me every day of the campaign. It helped that my good friends Piper Baker and Josh Rupley were there to keep me, as if by magic, presentable. Meghan Latcovitch’s loyalty to my family counts for a lot. After the election, Tina Brown, Edward Felsenthal and the Daily Beast gave me direction and gave my writing a home. Thank you for that.
Most of all, I’d like to thank my mom and dad for their love, inspiration, support, and for always letting me be me. They were okay when I said that I wanted to write a book, and they continued to offer support, even if they are sorry now. To Doug, Andy, Sidney, Jack, Jimmy, and Bridget—my brothers and sisters, my partners in crime—I love you so much, and thank you for your love and understanding.
About the Author
MEGHAN MCCAIN writes a weekly column for The Daily Beast. Prior to that, McCain worked on her father’s 2008 presidential campaign and created the website McCainBlogette.com, which provided a personal look at daily life on the campaign. Her children’s book, My Dad, John McCain, was a national bestseller. She lives in New York City.
Meghan McCain came to prominence as the straight-talking, progressive daughter of the 2008 Republican presidential candidate Senator John McCain. And her profile has only risen since the election ended in favor of the other guy.
What makes Meghan so appealing? As a new role model for young, creative, and vocal members of the GOP, she’s unafraid to mix it up and speak her mind. In Dirty Sexy Politics she takes a hard look at the future of her party. She doesn’t shy away from serious issues and her raucous humor and down-to-earth style keep her positions accessible.
In this witty, candid, and boisterous book, Meghan takes us deep behind the scenes of the campaign trail. She steals campaign signs in New Hampshire, tastes the nightlife in Nashville, and has a strange encounter with Laura and Jenna Bush at the White House. Along the way, she falls in love with America—while seeing how far the Republican Party has veered from its core values of freedom, honesty, and individuality. In Dirty Sexy Politics, Meghan McCain gives us a true insider’s account of life on a campaign trail.
Copyright
Copyright © 2010 Meghan McCain.
All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. By payment of the required fees, you have been granted the non-exclusive, non-transferable right to access and read the text of this e-book on-screen. No part of this text may be reproduced, transmitted, down-loaded, decompiled, reverse engineered, or stored in or introduced into any information storage and retrieval system, in any form or by any means, whether electronic or mechanical, now known or hereinafter invented, without the express written permission of Hyperion e-books.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data has been applied for.
ISBN 978-1-4013-2377-6
FIRST EDITION
EPub Edition © 2010 ISBN: 9781401396091
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Dirty Sexy Politics Page 17