14. Excavations in South Africa have revealed extensive bead use and manufacture in 70,000-year-old deposits in Blombos Cave. See Bouzouggar et al. 2007. While very early compared to Eurasia, this is nevertheless likely the work of modern humans rather than an earlier hominid form.
15. Stone pendants have been recovered from the Uptar Site in western Beringia, but their association with early dates is questionable at best. See King and Slobodin 1996.
16. Amick, Hoffman, and Rose 1989.
17. Kilby 2008.
18. Mochanov and Fedoseeva 1996.
19. D. D. Anderson 1970.
20. These floors are just post-Solutrean in time, and there was a minor Solutrean use of the site, but the associated artifacts are Magdalenian.
21. See chapter 6 in Bradley, Collins, and Hemmings 2010.
22. Straus et al. 1980.
23. Owsley and Hunt 2001.
24. Straus 1990. Straus 1977 points out that concave (indented) base points are restricted in distribution to a narrow (circa 25 kilometer) coastal zone of northern Spain near the Cantabrian Sea (Bay of Biscay) and the French border. Smith 1966 suggests that concave points might have been used for hunting specific game. Alternatively, Straus 1977 hypothesizes that they might have had social or territorial connotations. We agree that both situations may have been in play, but we suggest that the concave base points show up in this narrow coastal zone due to its proximity to the coast and that they were fashioned for harpoon-related gear. These points do not appear in Solutrean sites in the interior of Spain or France; moreover, at La Riera Cave they are restricted to the levels that contain the majority of fish and shellfish remains. Thus, we think coastal-adapted people may have seasonally used the uplands for hunting, while other Solutrean groups used the cave for their activities and employed different types of hunting gear armed with shouldered points.
25. Straus and Clark 1986.
26. Frison and Bradley 1980.
27. Straus, Meltzer, and Goebel 2005 presents a compilation of Beringian-Siberian Paleolithic typological and technological traits intended to show that traits we think link Clovis and the Solutrean are also found in Siberian Paleolithic cultures, thereby negating our hypothesis. Among the problems with their comparison is that they include middle through late Upper Paleolithic sites from an immense area stretching from southwestern central Siberia through central Alaska, and by including the Yana Site and Culture Zone 3 at Broken Mammoth they borrow from a span of 17,700 years. What couldn’t one find in such an immense area through such a huge time range? By contrast, we are comparing well-defined technologies from two restricted areas: the Solutrean from southwestern France and the area of Spain north of the Cantabrian Range, and the Mid-Atlantic pre-Clovis through Clovis. For additional discussion of Straus, Meltzer, and Goebel’s evaluation of the Solutrean hypothesis, see Bradley and Stanford 2006.
28. G. Haynes 2002.
29. We concur with Straus, Meltzer, and Goebel 2005 about what we should find in pre-Clovis assemblages. Although the pre-Clovis record in eastern North America is still sparse, the artifacts that have been found do meet these expectations. The Beringian record does not.
8. THE SOLUTREAN MARITIME ADAPTATION
1. Straus and Clark 1986.
2. Ibid., 350–65.
3. Binford 2001.
4. Altuna 1986.
5. Freeman 1973 estimates the average weights of usable meat from various species of animals hunted by the Paleolithic peoples of northern Spain.
6. Binford 2001.
7. Pokines and Krupa 1997.
8. Ortea 1986.
9. Binford 2001, table 7.13.
10. Butzer 1986.
11. Straus and Clark 1986, 367–83.
12. Mol et al. 2008.
13. Lowery 2001.
14. Erlandson 2001.
15. Straus and Clark 1986, 350–65.
16. Cleyet-Merle 1990.
17. Straus 1990.
18. Straus 1977 suggests that the variation in projectile point types might reflect either seasonal or functional use of different hunting gear or the use of different point types by different Solutrean groups.
19. Straus 1990.
20. Lyman, Clark, and Ross 1988.
9. THE LAST GLACIAL MAXIMUM
1. CLIMAP 1976.
2. COHMAP 1988.
3. Mix, Bard, and Schneider 2001.
4. For an in-depth but readable discussion of the issues of understanding the ice age physical environment, see R. C. Wilson, Drury, and Chapman 2000.
5. Robinson, Maslin, and McCave 1995.
6. The amount of 18O incorporated in the organism’s shell increases relative to the amount of 16O as the water gets colder. A 1°C drop in sea surface temperature results in an increase of 0.2‰ in the δ18O.
7. Late Proterozoic, between about 600 and 800 million years ago; during the Pennsylvanian and Permian, between about 250 and 350 million years ago; and the late Neogene to Quaternary, the past 4 million years.
8. Bond et al. 1993.
9. Heinrich 1988. See Alley 2000 for an informative discussion of Heinrich and Bond events.
10. Dansgaard et al. 1993.
11. Dyke et al. 2002.
12. Bowen et al. 2002.
13. Bellamy 1995.
14. Butzer 1986.
15. Straus, Bicho, and Winegardner 2000.
16. For the latest summary of the results of excavations at Solutré, see Combier and Montet-White 2002.
17. Rigaud and Simek 1990.
18. Ortea 1986.
19. Altuna 1986.
20. Reeves et al. 2002.
21. Clark 1946. Due to sea level rise there is little direct evidence of seal hunting in Europe before the later Paleolithic period.
22. “Recent ethnoarchaeological work among coastal foragers in Torres Strait indicates that for reasons of transport efficiency fish and especially shellfish are likely to be processed close to shore, and that (depending on processing costs) few elements susceptible to archaeological preservation will be moved more than a kilometre or so off the beach,” Bird 2002.
23. O’Connor and Veth 2000.
24. Butzer 1986.
25. Ibid.
26. Miller et al. 2002.
27. Dyke, Moore, and Robertson 2003.
28. Prest 1984.
29. Dyke et al. 2002.
30. There is an unconfirmed recent report that a mammoth tusk was dredged up from the Grand Banks. If verified, this would mean that the Grand Banks sustained plant and animal life. The environment would have been much like that of modern-day Baffin Island but with lusher vegetation thanks to the prolonged sunlight of its lower latitude.
31. See J. E. Sanders 1962; Shepard 1963.
32. Richards and Judson 1965.
33. Curray 1965.
34. Bumpas and Peirce 1955.
35. Dyke et al. 1999.
36. Milliman, Pilkey, and Ross 1972.
37. L. J. Jackson et al. 2000.
38. See Bothner and Spiker 1980; Emery et al. 1967.
39. S. T. Jackson et al. 1997.
40. Lowery 2002.
41. Whitmore et al. 1967.
42. Hemmings 2004.
43. Westley and Dix 2008.
44. Perennial ice cover: Falkowski and Raven 1997; freeze-thaw of ice pack: D. L. Wilson, Smith, and Nelson 1986.
45. De Vernal and Hillaire-Marcel 2000.
46. T. Webb et al. 1996. We generally agree with this study’s findings, but in our opinion there are problems with the interpretations made from similar studies. We are looking for the edge or maximum extent of permanent ice, which would sometimes shift rapidly and at other times might be stationary for hundreds of years. This is a process rather than an event, and the difficulty of mapping a dynamic process likely accounts for the wide variation in interpretations of the location of the ice edge. During warming phases, as seen in the Greenland ice core, the ice edge retreated north, and during colder periods it extended south. Perhaps the maps d
o represent the very maximum extent of the LGM ice, but to accept that would mean presuming that the organisms found in deep-sea cores lived at the same spot were the core was taken, and there is little discussion in the paleoceanogaphic literature about taphonomic processes—how things such as dead organisms, bones, etc., become deposited in the sediments where they are found. It seems unlikely to us that these tiny organisms represent the sea surface conditions directly above the core; more probably, they were deposited down-current from their point of origin. This would skew the results in the North Atlantic by overrep-resenting organisms that dwell in warmer water whose remains were carried north and east by the Gulf Current: it would look like the ice edge was farther north than its real location.
47. Productivity estimates are based on the presence of hard-bodied organisms in the sediments on the sea floor. Unfortunately, there is no way to determine the variety and number of soft-bodied creatures that were well adapted to extreme cold temperatures. For instance, scientists have only recently discovered several hundred heretofore unknown cold-adapted species, both hard- and soft-bodied, in both polar seas (Casey 2009). In part based on estimates of LGM productive estimates, Westley and Dix 2008 views our hypothesis as unlikely but concludes that the LGM paleoecological evidence has not been examined in enough detail to support or invalidate it.
48. Sancetta 1992.
49. See Stirling 1997; Gilchrist and Robertson 2000.
50. Chapman and Shackleton 1998.
51. Chapman and Maslin 1999.
52. See, e.g., Butzer 1986.
53. Chapman and Shackleton 1998.
54. Jensen 1944.
55. Dyke et al. 2002.
56. Bond et al. 1992.
57. See, e.g., Broecker 1994.
58. See, e.g., Sancetta 1992.
59. Abrantes 1991.
60. Clottes and Courtin 1996.
61. Fuller 1999.
10. LIVING ON THE ICE EDGE
1. Beyond the personal experience Dennis gained during his years of working in the Arctic, the information on Arctic hunting and survival in this chapter is taken from the following sources: Oozeva et al. 2004; Krupnik 1993; Steinbright 2001; Nelson 1969. We are especially indebted to Richard Nelson, whom Dennis first met on the frozen Beaufort Sea near Point Barrow, Alaska, some forty years ago. We draw on Nelson’s deep knowledge of Inuit ice hunting to provide practical insights into the probability of successful Paleolithic voyages on the ice age oceans.
2. For the latest reconstruction of the extent of sea ice during the LGM, see de Vernal et al. 2006.
3. Modern trash caught in the oceanic gyres is an environmental hazard, but Ebbesmeyer and Scigliano 2009 gives a fascinating account of how human drifters, lost tennis shoes, messages in bottles, and other non-oceanic debris have helped researchers to document their size, velocity, and orbital speed.
4. See Byock 2001 for the cultural conflicts and legal infrastructure related to driftwood in early Icelandic society.
5. Montenegro et al. 2006 suggests that during the LGM westward winds were stronger and eastward winds weaker than present-day winds.
6. D. N. Thomas 2004 is an excellent non-technical source of information on the formation, conditions, and rich biotic habitats of pack ice.
7. Hough 1898.
8. The adventurer Tim Severin, to test the possibility that the sixth century Irish monk St. Brendan had successfully sailed an open skin boat from Ireland to Newfoundland, researched and built such a boat to re-enact the legendary journey. After a false start with a relatively inexperienced crew, he signed on a Faroese fisherman, Trondur, who was well versed in problems related to ice and survival on the North Atlantic. It took only fifty days to make the crossing, and the boat remained in the water for those eight weeks. For additional fascinating details, see Severin 2000.
9. Maggs et al. 2008.
10. See Straus 1979; Straus and Clark 1986.
11. Additional evidence of the Solutrean use of marine and freshwater fish can be found in Morales-Muñiz and Roselló-Izquierdo 2009.
12. For an excellent summary of the early developments of watercraft in the Pacific, see Kirch 2000. See also Erlandson 2001; O’Connor and Veth 2000.
13. Oda 1990. See also A. Anderson 1987.
14. It is likely that Crete was never connected to the mainland, but some researchers assume continental bridges existed from time to time. See Facchini and Giusberti 1992.
15. D’Errico 1984.
16. Fuller 1999.
17. Otte 2002. But cf. Straus 2001.
18. Renfrew and Aspinall 1987.
19. Excavation: Simmons 1988; controversy: Bunimovitz and Barkai 1996.
20. C. M. Smith and Haslett 2000. On these boats’ technical details, see Roberts 1995.
21. Chronicled in the Relación Sámano-Xeréz, cited in Edwards 1965.
22. Bergen, Niekus, and Vilsteren 2002.
23. Zunig 2002.
24. Casson 1994.
25. Aikens and Higuchi 1982.
26. Lee and Robineau 2004.
27. See McCartney and Veltre 1996 for the latest summary of the archaeology of Ananiuliak Island.
28. Dixon et al. 1997.
29. See Orr 1962; J. Johnson et al. 2000.
30. Erlandson et al. 1997.
31. See Erlandson et al. 1996; Erlandson et al. 1999.
32. Holland 1999.
33. S. Loring, personal communication.
34. Loring 1980.
35. See Jodry 2005; Morris and Goodyear 1973; Yerkes and Gaetner 1997.
36. Wheeler et al. 2003.
37. See, e.g., Straus 2000.
38. Krupnik 2005.
39. Chesemore 1975.
40. Lehn 1979.
CONCLUSION
1. Prudden 1903.
2. Schurr 2004.
3. Reidla et al. 2003.
4. Izagirre and de la Rúa 1999.
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