by Ed West
Copyright © 2017 by Ed West
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available on file.
Cover design by Rain Saukas
Print ISBN: 978-1-5107- 1987-3
Ebook ISBN: 978-1-5107- 1992-7
Printed in the United States of America
Contents
Introduction
Chapter 1 Henry I’s Charter
Chapter 2 The Family from Hell
Chapter 3 Twelve Angry Men
Chapter 4 A Lowborn Cleric
Chapter 5 The War without Love
Chapter 6 The Lionheart and the Crusades
Chapter 7 A King’s Ransom
Chapter 8 Stealing from the Rich
Chapter 9 Not as Bad as Hitler or Stalin
Chapter 10 John vs. God
Chapter 11 The Northerners
Chapter 12 No Freeman Shall Be Arrested
Chapter 13 Parliament
Chapter 14 The Legacy of Magna Carta
Chapter 15 Magna Carta Today
Bibliography
Endnotes
No free man shall be seized, imprisoned, dispossessed, outlawed, exiled or ruined in any way, except for the lawful judgement of his peers and the laws of the land.
—Magna Carta, Clause 39
Introduction
One day in June 1944, King George VI was driving back to Windsor from London in a furious mood. The powerful wartime Prime Minister Winston Churchill had just overruled him once again, frustrating the stammering king’s attempt to have a say in government. The monarch, a gentle and nervous figure who was well on his way to smoking himself to death through sheer anxiety caused by a job he didn’t want and which his useless brother Edward had forced on him, happened to pass by a spot near the Thames. As his secretary Alan Lascelles later recalled: ‘Suddenly he threw his arm out of the window and exclaimed “And that’s where it all started!”’1
The place was Runnymede and it was there that, in 1215, George’s ancestor King John (also the ancestor of Churchill and the US president Franklin Roosevelt)2 was forced into a peace treaty with his leading barons that would have a profound impact on the country and the world. It came about over frustration at the misrule of the king’s family, known to us as the Plantagenets, but it established fundamental principles about the rule of law that would spread to the English colonies and worldwide. This Magna Carta, as it became known later that century, would form the basis of the rule of law and due process in England and around the globe.
At the time of King George’s outburst the descendants of those barons, ruling states on both sides of the Atlantic, were on the cusp of winning a worldwide existential war being fought between those who believed in the rule of law and those who didn’t. Their victory would globally implement the freedoms that we have come to think of as Anglo-Saxon, although in the context of this story we might better call them Anglo-Norman, created as they were by the French-speaking aristocracy of thirteenth-century England.*
England does not really go in for national monuments, and when it does they are often eccentric. There is no great shrine to Alfred the Great, for example, who united and saved the country at the start of its history, but we do have, right in the middle of London, a large marble memorial to the animals that gave their lives in the fight against Fascism. And Runnymede, which you could say is the birthplace of English liberty, would be a deserted wood were it not for the Americans. Beside the Thames, some ten miles outside London’s western suburbs, this place ‘between Windsor and Staines,’ as it is called in the original document, is a rather subdued spot, with the sound of constant traffic close by and in the distance that of the M25 motorway and airplanes landing and taking off at Heathrow Airport. Crossing the A308 from the other side of the road is actually quite hazardous, and once there you’d have no idea it was a momentous place if it wasn’t for an enclosure with a small Romanesque circus, paid for by the American Association of Lawyers in 1957.
American lawyers are possibly not the most well-loved group on earth, but it would be an awful world without them, and for that we must thank the men who on June 15, 1215, forced the king of England to agree to a document, ‘The Great Charter of the Liberties.’
Magna Carta was not the first time a king had made such a contract. Two centuries earlier in 1014, the hopeless Ethelred II gave a similar promise after returning to the kingdom from which the Danes had kicked him out; he was so unpopular that his subjects were fairly ambivalent about whether they wanted Ethelred back after the death of the Viking pirate-king Sweyn Forkbeard who had seized the throne. Since then, various monarchs had made promises about ruling with the consent of the people, which they usually ignored.
Long before Ethelred’s time, the Anglo-Saxons held witans and had some vague idea of the law being something that belonged to everyone, although how much of this is myth making from the seventeenth century is a matter of debate. Runnymede may have been the site of a witan in the past—ruineg perhaps being a regular meeting—but we cannot know for sure, and what happened in 1215 was most definitely fundamentally different. It established not just restraints on the monarch but also the rule of law, no arrest without charge, just cause and other essential principles.
Although John went back on the agreement almost immediately, and the country fell into civil war, by the end of the century Magna Carta had been written into English law; today, eight hundred years later, it is considered the most important legal document in history. As the great eighteenth-century statesman William Pitt the Elder put it, Magna Carta is ‘the Bible of the English Constitution.’
Two weeks before the king’s dressing down by Churchill, the armies of the democracies had landed in Normandy, the ancestral home of the kings of England, and from where they had made the reverse journey nine centuries earlier. The victories by English-speaking forces the following year would not just crush Nazism but make the ideas of 1215 universal, worldwide values, even if in much of the world they remain unenforceable and theoretical.
How did this all happen here in England? The story begins a hundred years earlier with some drunken sailors in the English Channel.
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* Of the twenty-five rebels who brought about Magna Carta, sixteen had a surname beginning with ‘de.’
CHAPTER ONE
Henry I’s Charter
King Henry never smiled again after being told of his son’s death. Seventeen-year-old William had joined two hundred revelers on a famed vessel called the White Ship sailing from Normandy to England late at night on November 25, 1120. The atmosphere was boisterous, and when priests arrived to bless the boat they were waved away with drunken jeers and laughter. On board were the cream of the Anglo-Norman ruling class, whose grandfathers had won England under William the Conqueror, including two of the king’s illegitimate children. Henry’s nephew, Stephen of Blois, was due to sail but could not drink becau
se of a stomach condition and was so unnerved by the hugely drunk state of the crew that he left and got back ashore. When the ship hit rocks, barely out of Barfleur harbor, William dragged himself to a lifeboat but went back for his half sister Matilda, one of the king’s many bastards. They both drowned, along with everyone on board, except for one, a baker who had gone on board to get some money and who was sober.
The national tragedy would bring about a civil war called the ‘Shipwreck’ or ‘Anarchy’ in which Henry’s only surviving legitimate child Matilda (not to be confused with the Matilda who drowned on the ship) fought for control of the kingdom with her cousin Stephen, who had claimed the throne on his uncle’s death in 1135 (despite going out of his way to pledge his loyalty to Matilda when Henry was alive). It would end in the rise of a new dynasty, the Plantagenets, whose relentless greed provoked the leading barons into bringing about Magna Carta.
Henry I had come to power after his elder brother William II, called ‘Rufus’ because of his alcohol-soaked red face, had died in a mysterious hunting accident in 1100. Their father William the Conqueror had won the kingdom at the Battle of Hastings on October 14, 1066, and his twenty-one-year reign was one of almost unparalleled repression and violence, the most brutal episode being the harrying of the north in 1069 in which as many as two hundred thousand people died in Yorkshire.* It’s fair to say that after this he wasn’t tremendously popular, but by the period’s definitions of success he had been a great king, while his son had been a dreary failure.
Rufus had spent his reign in conflict with both the Church and with his elder brother Robert, who had succeeded as Duke of Normandy despite the mutual loathing he and his father had for each other. This brotherly feud was suspended in 1095 when Pope Urban II called for a Crusade to win back the Holy Land for Christendom, and Robert volunteered, mortgaging Normandy to pay for it. Robert was on his way back with a new, very rich wife in 1100 when Rufus was fatally wounded by an arrow in the New Forest, with his brother Henry conveniently close enough to reach the Treasury at Winchester within an hour to claim the crown.† Six years later, he invaded Normandy where he captured his surviving brother and kept him imprisoned for the rest of his life; by the time Robert died, in 1134, he had been in jail for so long he even had time to learn Welsh.
The new king needed to win over three groups upon his accession. Firstly, the Church; secondly, the barons, the vastly powerful one hundred or so Norman landowners who had come over with William the Conqueror; and finally the English themselves, who constituted around 98 percent of the population.
To help justify his rule, Henry issued a Charter of Liberties in 1100, promising to honor the laws of Edward the Confessor, the last king from the old House of Wessex, whose death in 1066 had sparked the Norman invasion. By the sounds of it, Henry had no intention whatsoever of keeping any of his promises, and neither did any of his successors, but that wasn’t the point. New kings as far back as ancient Babylon have pledged to rule within the laws and customs of the people, so this wasn’t that unusual, but Henry I’s coronation charter was important because it influenced the barons of 1215, something we know because a sort of early draft of Magna Carta turned up in the nineteenth century referring to it.
This being an age when much of the population were toothless simpletons and not well versed in politics, most of the twenty clauses of 1100 only involved the rights of barons and the Church, in particular the lives of widows and heirs. Henry’s charter was very much a product of what is now called the feudal system, a phrase that was only coined in 1776 by Adam Smith but which fairly accurately describes the era. After winning power William the Conqueror had drastically changed the social hierarchy, dispossessing the upper layer of English society, the five thousand thegns (literally ‘one who serves’), and replacing them with a small number of barons. As the overlord to these barons, the king had certain rights, including power over widows and orphans, and the right to take a slice of inheritance. This was considered a king’s privilege but bad monarchs inevitably took advantage to fleece heirs and sell off widows. The lords in turn had the same rights over the peasants below them, the majority of whom would have been unfree serfs. The Normans didn’t introduce this system, but they did increase the sharp divide between rich and poor.
In a feudal system, all lords derived their land from the monarch, and so were obliged to pay a fee to pass their title to their son; there were also sometimes disputes about who was actually the heir, and this might be costly for the king to arbitrate. So Henry’s charter stated that ‘If any baron or earl of mine shall die, his heirs shall not be forced to purchase their inheritance, but shall retrieve it through force of law and custom.’ Henry promised that he would only charge a ‘legitimate and just relief’ on barons inheriting their father’s lands, whatever ‘just’ meant. He pledged that wives would also be allowed to inherit their husband’s land, and would not be forced by the king to take another husband, so that ‘Any widow who wishes to remarry should consult with me, but I shall abide by the wishes of her close relatives, the other barons and earls.’ As long as her new husband was not ‘one of my enemies.’
The rights of man it was not; and in the words of one historian: ‘During his thirty-five-year reign, Henry I kept virtually none of the promises set out in his coronation charter.’1
By condemning the ‘oppressive practices which have been an evil presence in England,’ Henry was also shoring up his own legitimacy and making himself look better, the trick of all politicians down the ages of exaggerating the faults of the previous regime. But it did to some extent reaffirm the idea of one law for all, an essential aspect of the 1215 document. Clause 8 of Henry’s charter stated that ‘If any of my barons commit a crime, he shall not bind himself to the crown with a payment as was done in the time of my father and brother, but shall stand for the crime as was custom and law before the time of my father, and make amends as are appropriate.’
Henry ruled for thirty-five years, and his harsh enforcement of laws, at a time when the country was absurdly dangerous by modern standards, was generally popular: executing a few people always went down quite well. On one occasion in Leicester in 1124 ‘they hanged. . . . more thieves than had ever been hanged before . . . in all forty-four men in that little time; and six men were blinded and castrated.’2 The people loved him.
He also shored up his power by marrying Matilda, who was the daughter of the King of Scotland but more importantly a great-granddaughter of the Anglo-Saxon king Edmund Ironside, which cemented the legitimacy of an otherwise foreign dynasty. Her real name was Edith, but that was too complicated for the Normans, so Henry just gave her the same name as his mother.
However, after the White Ship disaster the country faced a succession crisis: Henry had a daughter, another Matilda (young William also had a widow called Matilda while Stephen’s wife was called Matilda too—they weren’t very imaginative with names at the time) but she was, obviously, a woman and although Henry forced the nobles to swear an oath to her, when he died in 1135 (by the curious cause of overdosing on lampreys, a type of eel) his nephew Stephen seized the throne and most of the barons supported him. Like his uncle, he proclaimed a coronation charter, declaring that he would rule according to custom and law, but he never had much time to do anything about it. There followed a civil war between supporters of the two cousins, a conflict described as ‘nineteen long winters when Christ and his saints slept’ by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the clerical records established by Alfred the Great in the ninth century that gave a sort of news account of the usually dreadful events that befell the kingdom.
Matilda almost won by capturing London in 1141 but proved so unpopular that she was forced to flee to Oxford. The following year she escaped from yet another angry mob in that city dressed entirely in white during a snowstorm. By some accounts, and obviously a lot of them were biased, Matilda had a knack for rubbing people the wrong way; she had been sent to Germany at the age of eight to marry the Holy Roman Emperor Hei
nrich V, who was twenty-nine, which is a little weird, and from eleven had effectively ruled the empire while he was out on endless wars, until he died at the age of thirty-eight (of cancer, of all things, not a classic disease for a medieval warrior king, although maybe it was a stressful job).
A widow in her twenties, she was now betrothed to the fifteen-year-old Geoffrey of Anjou, from a line of aristocrats famously cruel, even by the standards of the period. The Normans hugely disliked the Angevins, seeing them as needlessly violent, which, coming from the Normans, is saying something, but the marriage was necessary for geographic reasons. A week before the wedding, Henry I had knighted Geoffrey in Rouen, the Norman capital, the adolescent dressed in purple, wearing double-mail armor with gold spurs, and a sword supposedly forged by the Norse god Wayland the Smith. Geoffrey also wore a shrub called a planta genista on his lapel that he used as a sort of camouflage while out hunting, and so his dynasty came to be known as the Plantagenets (although not until the 1450s, when the last remnants of the family were busily engaged in killing each other).
The Anarchy came to an end after Stephen’s awful-sounding son Eustace choked to death in 1153 while sacking an abbey, and the king agreed to pass the throne to Geoffrey and Matilda’s teenaged son Henry Fitzempress after his death; this came to pass the following year.
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* See 1066 and Before All That, the second book in the series.
† Hunting was a dangerous sport and accidents were quite frequent–the Conqueror’s second son Richard had also been killed around 1081 in the very same forest–but the circumstances of the king’s death was extremely fortunate for Henry.
CHAPTER TWO
The Family from Hell
Henry II was to become a great king who would revolutionize the English state, in particular creating the jury system, but he and his family were also notoriously cruel, greedy, and violent. So when Magna Carta emerged it was not only aimed at John, but at the whole Plantagenet dynasty who had come to power in 1154. John was just the most incompetent of them, while his son Henry III, whose reign saw a second barons’ uprising that led to the creation of a ‘Parliament,’ was a simpleton.