48.Ibid., letter no. 10.
CHAPTER 4: INTO POLITICS
1.V. A. Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost na zakate staroi Rossii (Vospominaniia sovremenika) [State and society in the twilight of old Russia (Recollections of a contemporary)] (Paris: Izdanie zhurnala “Illustrirovannaia Rossiia,” 1936), 306–11; V. A. Maklakov, Iz Vospominanii (New York: Chekhov Publishing House, 1954), 328–32. Maklakov’s view that the peasants’ inability to develop reasoned solutions was due to lack of experience finds support in the finding that IQ has been steadily rising at a fairly steady pace around the globe, which is known after its discoverer as the “Flynn effect”; one of the explanatory theories for the effect is that modern life has increased the occasions calling on people to deploy analytic reasoning. Steven Pinker, The Better Angels of Our Nature (New York: Penguin, 2012), 650–57.
2.GIM, fond 31 (papers of V. A. Maklakov), delo 141, ll. 139–42 (both sides); Maklakov, Iz Vospominanii, 333; Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 311–12. The memo is undated, but as the local committees started collecting evidence in August 1902 and reporting to St. Petersburg by the end of July 1903, those dates must frame the period of the memo’s circulation; David A. J. Macey, Government and Peasant in Russia, 1861–1906 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1987), 70.
3.Maklakov, Iz Vospominanii, 335–36.
4.Ibid., 336.
5.Shmuel Galai, The Liberation Movement in Russia, 1900–1905 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 47–52 (at 52 and 55 he uses the adjective “semi-conspiratorial”); Maklakov, Iz Vospominanii, 336; Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 291–94.
6.Galai, Liberation Movement, 52–56; Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 293–94.
7.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 295.
8.Ibid., 294–95. This passage is also quoted in K. A. Soloviev, Kruzhok “Beseda.” V poiskakh novoi politicheskoi real’nosti 1899–1905 [The Beseda Circle: In search of a new political reality, 1899–1905] (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2009), 231.
9.Abraham Ascher, The Revolution of 1905, 2 vols. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992), 1:77–92.
10.I. A. Isakov, “Kak nachalos Krovavoe voskresenie [How Bloody Sunday happened],” Voprosy istorii [Historical questions] 4 (1996), 175.
11.See Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 345–49; Ascher, Revolution of 1905, 1:90–95; Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak, Sergei N. Trubetskoi: An Intellectual among the Intelligentsia in Prerevolutionary Russia (Belmont, MA: Nordland Publishing, 1976), 140–41, citing Sergei N. Trubetskoi, Sobranie Sochinenii kn. Sergeia Nikolaevicha Trubetskogo, ed. L. M. Lopatin (Moscow, 1907–1912), 1:397–99, for the wording of the minority statement. Bohachevsky-Chomiak gives the vote as 219 to 147; Maklakov reports it as 219 to 153. Either way, the sum adds up to more than the total membership, so clearly some people voted for both the liberal and the conservative variants.
12.See, for example, Maklakov’s caustic comments on E. de Roberti’s saying that the destruction of five to twenty gentry estates had no meaning at all and expressing concern only for estates burned by the Black Hundreds. V. A. Maklakov, Vtoraia Gosudarstvennaia Duma [The Second State Duma] (Moscow: Tsentrpoligraf, 2006), 262.
13.See Soloviev, Kruzhok “Beseda,” 222, citing GIM, fond 31, delo 142, ll. 245 and 245ob; Marina Aleksandrovna Ivanova, “Rol V. A. Maklakova v Obshchestvenno-politicheskoi zhizni Rossii” [The role of V. A. Maklakov in the social-political life of Russia] (PhD thesis, Rossiiskii Universitet Druzhby Narodov, 1997), 109–10, citing the same pages but in delo 148.
14.Galai, Liberation Movement, 219.
15.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 509–10; Maklakov, Iz Vospominanii, 344–45.
16.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 480–81; Maklakov, Iz Vospominanii, 343–45. Neither the remark on possible future responsibility nor the talking-to that he gave the policeman is recorded in the formal minutes of the congress, but it is plain that those minutes are radically incomplete.
17.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 475; Maklakov, Iz Vospominanii, 340.
18.V. A. Maklakov, “F. N. Plevako,” in V. A. Maklakov, Rechi: Sudebniia, Dumskiia i Publichniia Lektsii, 1904–1926 [V. A. Maklakov, Speeches: Judicial, Duma and public lectures, 1904–1926] (Paris: Izdanie Iubileinogo Komiteta, 1869–1949), 102.
19.Ascher, Revolution of 1905, 1:228–29.
20.Ibid., 2:45.
21.A. A. Kizevetter, Na rubezhe dvukh stoletii: Vospominaniia [On the Border of Two Centuries: Memoirs] (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1996), 391–92.
22.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 346; Paul Miliukov, Political Memoirs, 66; Paul Miliukov, Vospominaniia (Moscow: Sovremennik, 1990), 1:316. Although Miliukov expresses uncertainty over the wording of his reaction, he acknowledges expression of the general sentiment—we “mustn’t leave our battle positions.” See also Galai, Liberation Movement, 264.
23.V. V. Shelokhaev, ed., Sezdy i konferentsii Konstitutsionno-demokraticheskoi partii [Congresses and Conferences of the Constitutional Democratic Party] (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 1997), 1:31–33. See also Shmuel Galai, “Konstitutsionalisty-demokraty i ikh kritiki [The Constitutional Democrats and their critics],” Voprosy istorii [Historical questions] no. 12 (1991), 3, 10, 13.
24.Pravo (Law), no. 44, November 13, 1905, 3619–20. The Congress adopted a resolution that included the “precious achievement” language, but that was considerably vaguer in its demands on the government. Pravo (Law), nos. 45/46, November 20, 1905, 3701–3.
25.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 434–35.
26.Ibid., 435.
27.Anthony Kroner, “The Debate between Miliukov and Maklakov on the Chances for Russian Liberalism,” Revolutionary Russia 7, no. 2 (1994), 239, 253. Miliukov himself wrote that “the choice of Kokoshkin meant that the Bureau did not want compromise decisions.” P. N. Miliukov, Tri Popytki [Three Attempts] (Paris: Presse Franco-Russe, 1921), 11; see also Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 436–37.
28.Paul Miliukov, “Politika v ‘Sovremennykh zapiskakh,’” [Politics in “Contemporary Notes”], Poslednie Novosti [Recent news], April 4, 1929, col. 6.
29.Geoffrey A. Hosking, The Russian Constitutional Experiment: Government and Duma, 1907–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 16; Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 437–39.
30.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 440–41 (quoting Miliukov’s Tri Popytki); Hosking, Russian Constitutional Experiment, 17n16 (citing Witte’s memoirs).
31.Miliukov, Vospominaniia (1859–1917) (New York: Chekhov Publishing House, 1955), 1:314–18, 328. Belgium and Bulgaria seem to have been the “go-to” countries for people in autocracies in search of a constitution; Iranian liberals turned to them in 1907. See Christopher de Bellaigue, The Islamic Enlightenment: The Struggle between Faith and Reason, 1798 to Modern Times (New York: Liveright Publishing, 2017), 241–43.
32.See chapter 12.
33.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 444–46.
34.Ascher, Revolution of 1905, 1:312.
35.M. L. Mandelshtam, 1905 god v politicheskikh protsessakh: Zapiski zashchitnika [The year 1905 in political trials: Notes of a defense counsel] (Moscow: Izdatelstvo polikatorzhan, 1931), 327.
36.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 429.
37.Francis W. Wcislo, Tales of Imperial Russia: The Life and Times of Sergei Witte, 1849–1915 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 232–33.
38.Ivanova, “Rol V. A. Maklakova V. A. Maklakov,” 121, 219n91 (citing GARF, fond 523, delo 261, l. 27). In a conversation with Stolypin during the First Duma, Miliukov evidently claimed that if a Kadet cabinet adopted its proposed reforms and the revolutionary left nonetheless sought to overthrow the government, Miliukov would shoot the revolutionaries down, “more freely than Stolypin himself.” Stolypin claimed to have replied that, as a liberal humanitarian, having just abolished the death penalty and brought about a general amnesty, Miliukov “could not use such energetic measures without completely discrediting himself and his party. Within a month he would b
e compelled to resign, and would disappear in a deluge of execration launched at him by his former admirers.” Peter Enticott, The Russian Liberals and the Revolution of 1905 (London and New York: Routledge, 2016), 129.
39.Bismarck’s exact statement appears to have been less pithy: “An experienced constitutional statesman has said that all of constitutional life is one long series of compromises.” Lothar Gall, ed., Bismarck: Die grossen Reden, 62–63, 66–76. “Clinton, Bush Share Laughs and Memories at Launch of Scholars Program,” Wall Street Journal, September 9, 2014.
40.The Logan Act, 18 U.S.C. § 953.
41.See Olga Crisp, “The Russian Liberals and the 1906 Anglo-French Loan to Russia,” Slavonic and East European Review 39, no. 93 (June 1961), 497–511; James William Long, “Organized Protest against the 1906 Russian Loan,” Cahiers du monde Russe et soviétique 13, no. 1 (1972), 24–39.
42.Long, “Organized Protest,” 28n5; compare Maklakov, Iz Vospominanii, 321, discussing his having started a practice of Christmas and Easter vacations in France in 1897. Long cites Miliukov’s account, written in emigration, reporting that the Kadet central committee had been asked to consent to party leaders’ joining the French campaign against the loan, a request the central committee rejected. Long thinks that “perhaps this is where [Maklakov] got the idea.” Long, “Organized Protest,” 28. In fact Maklakov and other Kadets in France did communicate a proposal of such involvement (which indeed the central committee rejected), but they made the proposal after Maklakov’s anti-loan activities in Paris. The later events (the exchange on party involvement) could not have prompted the earlier ones (Maklakov’s activities).
43.See Maklakov, Iz Vospominanii, 321, for his regular practice; Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 529, for this specific occasion.
44.Long, “Organized Protest,” 28–30; Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 529.
45.Crisp, “The Russian Liberals,” 508–11.
46.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 530.
47.Compare Crisp, “The Russian Liberals,” 508n39, with Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 531–32.
48.See Crisp, “The Russian Liberals,” 509 (text of memo, emphasis added).
49.Ibid., 510–11.
50.Ibid., 510.
51.Ibid., 509.
52.Long, “Organized Protest,” 25.
53.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 533–37.
54.Long states that the loan was actually signed April 16, two days before the apparent delivery of Maklakov’s memo; Long, “Organized Protest,” 25.
55.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 537–38.
56.Ibid., 541–42.
57.Ibid., 539–41.
CHAPTER 5: A CONSTITUTION FOR RUSSIA?
1.V. A. Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost na zakate staroi Rossii (Vospominaniia sovremenika) [State and society in the twilight of old Russia (Recollections of a contemporary)] (Paris: Izdanie zhurnala “Illustrirovanaia Rossiia,” 1936), 556–59.
2.For example, certain provisions of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977 and the USA PATRIOT Act give the president the authority to declare a national emergency and then to administer laws that would otherwise have lapsed, such as the export control regime. See 50 U.S.C. §§ 1701–1702.
3.Ben-Cion Pinchuk, The Octobrists in the Third Duma, 1907–1912 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1974), 178–79; GDSO, Third Duma, 5th Sess., pt. 1, October 17, 1911, cols. 125–55, 185–90. For the 1903 change, see Polnoe Sobranie Zakonov, III, No. 23180 (June 20, 1903).
4.Maklakov, State and Society, 595–96. All translations of the Fundamental Laws are from Marc Szeftel, The Russian Constitution of April 23, 1906 (Brussels: Librairie Encyclopédique, 1976), unless otherwise noted.
5.Ibid.
6.Maklakov mistakenly says that the laws had said that for 109 years. Ibid., 563–64. But they had only been promulgated in 1833. The reference may be to the accession to the throne in 1796 of the emperor Paul, an outspoken proponent of autocracy. See Abraham Ascher, The Revolution of 1905, 2 vols. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992), 2:65n*.
7.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 567.
8.Szeftel, The Russian Constitution, 99.
9.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 575.
10.The western zemstvo legislation, discussed in chapter 8.
11.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 577–79 (N. A. Khomiakov’s term).
12.Ibid., 579. The Second Duma did vote down a handful of provisions adopted in the lengthy period between the first two Dumas.
13.V. A. Maklakov, Vtoraia Gosudarstvennaia Duma [The Second State Duma] (Moscow: Tsentrpoligraf, 2006), 175.
14.See chapter 12.
15.Olga Crisp, “The Russian Liberals and the 1906 Anglo-French Loan to Russia,” Slavonic and East European Review 39, no. 93 (June 1961), 497, 510.
16.Under Article 100 of the Fundamental Laws, he could not increase that share.
17.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 586–93; GDSO, Third Duma, 4th Sess., pt. 3, April 27, 1911, col. 2880. See also Tsuyoshi Hasegawa, The February Revolution (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1981), 149 (discussing Nicholas II’s right-wing transformation of the State Council on January 1, 1917).
18.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 586–88; Abraham Ascher, P. A. Stolypin: The Search for Stability in Late Imperial Russia (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), 281–90.
19.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 580–82.
20.Ibid., 582.
21.Ibid., 570–73.
22.Uchrezhdenie Gosudarstvennoi Dumy [Statute of the State Duma], Articles 55–57.
23.Peter Enticott, The Russian Liberals and the Revolution of 1905 (London and New York: Routledge, 2016), 85, 116.
24.V. A. Maklakov, Pervaia Gosudarstvennaia Duma [The First State Duma] (Moscow: Tsentrpoligraf, 2006); Maklakov, “1905–1906 gody” [The years 1905–1906], in Vinaver i russkaia obshchestvennost nachala XX veka; sbornik stateĭ [Vinaver and Russian society at the start of the twentieth century: Collected articles] (Paris: Imp. Cooperative Étoile, 1937), 53–96.
25.Vladimir Kokovtsov, Out of My Past (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1935), 126.
26.Enticott, Russian Liberals, 94.
27.Ascher, The Revolution of 1905, 2:64–69.
28.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 544–46.
CHAPTER 6: THE FIRST DUMA: TAKE-OFF AND CRASH LANDING
1.Abraham Ascher, The Revolution of 1905, 2 vols. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992), 2:51, 77; Tyrkova-Williams Diary and Letters, 914 (Maklakov to Tyrkova-Williams, August 8, 1945).
2.V. A. Maklakov, Pervaia Gosudarstvennaia Duma [The First State Duma] (Moscow: Tsentrpoligraf, 2006), 127–28. GDSO, First Duma, Meeting 8, May 13, 1906, pp. 321–24 (government speech); ibid., Ukazatel, pp. 244–47 (listing ministry bills relating to these topics).
3.V. A. Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost na zakate staroi Rossii (Vospominaniia sovremenika) [State and society in the twilight of old Russia (Recollections of a contemporary)] (Paris: Izdanie zhurnala “Illustrirovanaia Rossiia,” 1936), 514–16; A. Ia. Avrekh, Tsarizm i IV Duma, 1912–1914 gg. [Tsarism and the Fourth Duma, 1912–1914] (Moscow: Izdaletsvo Nauka, 1981), 189; P. N. Miliukov, “V. A. Maklakov mezhdu ‘obshchestvennostiu i vlastiu, II,’” Poslednie Novosti [Recent news], May 30, 1937.
4.See Steven Pinker, The Better Angels of Our Nature (New York: Penguin, 2012), 490–92.
5.See Francis W. Wcislo, Tales of Imperial Russia: The Life and Times of Sergei Witte, 1849–1915 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 234.
6.Maklakov, Pervaia Gosudarstvennaia Duma, 40–41.
7.Ibid., 41, citing V. N. Kokovtsov, Iz Moego Proshlago (The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 1969 [reprint of 1933 edition]), 1:168–69 (translated as Vladimir Kokovtsov, Out of My Past [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1935], 126). In chapter 7 I discuss Maklakov’s description of the treatment of agrarian issues in the Second Duma, from which he draws (possibly opt
imistic) inferences about the feasibility of progress even on divisive issues.
8.Duma Address to the Tsar, GDSO, First Duma, Meeting 5, May 5, 1906, pp. 239–41. The Duma’s address did not explicitly call for four-tailed suffrage, but in the context of electoral laws that provided nearly universal male suffrage and the Kadet background on this, its literal call for “universal” suffrage was bound to be understood as demanding the familiar “four-tailed” version.
9.Maklakov, Pervaia Gosudarstvennaia Duma, 94–95.
10.Maklakov, Vlast i obshchestvennost, 555 (Miliukov at the April 1906 Kadet party congress); Sezdy i konferentsii, 1:349 (statement of third party congress, April 21–25, 1906).
11.Duma Address to the Tsar, First Duma, Meeting 5, May 5, 1906, 240. As a historian, Maklakov later wrote that at their January and April 1906 congresses the Kadets had adopted resolutions forbidding participation in legislative work until the constitution was reformed. Maklakov, Pervaia Gosudarstvennaia Duma, 59. Although there was clearly much sentiment to that effect, the congresses do not seem to have established such an absolute priority. See, for example, Sezdy i konferentsii, 1:116–17 (January), 246 (April).
12.Maklakov, Pervaia Gosudarstvennaia Duma, 237. Kizevetter was also struck by this episode. See A. A. Kizevetter, Na rubezhe dvukh stoletii: Vospominaniia [On the Border of Two Centuries: Memoirs] (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1996), 432.
13.Maklakov, Pervaia Gosudarstvennaia Duma, 238.
14.Ibid., 138. GDSO, First Duma, Meeting 8, May 13, 1906, p. 326.
15.Dmitrii Vladimirovich Aronov, Pervyi spiker [First speaker] (Moscow: Iurist, 2006), 142–43; GDSO, First Duma, Meeting 1, April 27, 1906, p. 3.
16.For the way the extraordinary security laws enabled application of the death penalty, see William C. Fuller, “Civilians in Military Courts, 1881–1904,” Russian Review 41, no. 3 (July 1982), 288, 292. Note that with such a transfer under the extraordinary security laws, the applicable law in the military courts was wartime law, with far more severe penalties than peacetime military law, including the death penalty in specific classes in cases.
17.GDSO, First Duma, Meeting 29, June 19, 1906, p. 1503.
The Reformer Page 42