by Frontinus
   On these and other grounds Wachsmuth brands as spurious a number of examples in their entirety and parts of various others. In his decisions against the following twenty, Wölfflin and Gundermann concur: I.III.7; I.VII.4; I.VII.7; I.XI.15; II.III.11; II.IV.14; II.IV.19; II.VIII.5; II.VIII.9; II.XI.6; III.IV.2; III.IV.4; III.VII.5; III.XII.3; III.XIII.3-5; III.XV.2; IV.III.10; IV.VII.11.
   Wölfflin agrees with Wachsmuth in his general conclusions and continues this line of investigation. He begins by comparing the preface to the De Aquis with what he considers the genuine preface to the Strategemata, and notes similarities of style and structure. He then goes on to compare the first three books of the Strategemata with the fourth in points of Latinity, arrangement or subject matter. He contrasts the two authors’ methods of employing proper names, notes the frequent recurrence in Frontinus of certain phrases not found in the pseudo-Frontinus, observes that Frontinus customarily places the author of his stratagems at the beginning of the story, and follows certain subordinate principles of subdivision within the general divisions of his work, neither of which usages characterizes the pseudo-Frontinus, and adds examples of other variations in Latinity and subject matter. Of Wachsmuth’s thirty-two examples, Wölfflin recognizes twenty as surely and directly taken from Valerius Maximus, and he adds to the list I.XI.11-13, not mentioned by Wachsmuth. He considers the relation of the real and the pseudo-Frontinus to other authors from whom they drew their material, and finds a difference in their attitude toward Sallust, Caesar and Vegetius; and in general he discerns in the true Frontinus a truthfulness toward the facts given in his sources, whereas the pseudo-Frontinus, while exhibiting at times a slavish dependence on form, has no conscience about changing the facts. He believes that it was not by accident but by design that the fourth book was united to the other three, that the author of this book wished to be considered Frontinus and took certain definite measures to achieve that end, attempting to imitate the style of Frontinus in the use of certain phrases, keeping all his stories within the period which would be known to Frontinus, and in the preface to Book IV virtually claiming the authorship of the preface to Book I, as well as the fourth (rejected by Wachsmuth and Gundermann), since he finds in it a rhetorical exaggeration, not characteristic of the true Frontinus, and a lack of consistency between the apology for incompleteness here expressed and Frontinus’s avowed intention of citing only as occasion shall demand. But his strongest reason for suspecting the genuineness of these two paragraphs lies in the fact that their insertion here interferes with an arrangement exhibited elsewhere by Frontinus of annexing the summary of succeeding chapters directly to some such statement as quibus deinceps generibus suas species attribui.
   Gundermann reviews the arguments of Wachsmuth and Wölfflin, accepts many of their conclusions and adds to the evidence. He disagrees with Wölfflin as to the ungenuineness of the third paragraph of the preface, and defends the authenticity of several examples. Of the duplicates, the critics agree that IV.V.8, 9, 10, 11, and IV.VII.6 are interpolations from Book I, and that II.IV.15, 16 are interpolations from Book IV. Wölfflin and Gundermann regard I.I.11 as transposed from chapter v; Wachsmuth thinks it originated in chapter i.
   Besides these duplicates, there are several cases in which the same story has apparently been drawn from different sources and is, therefore, told differently in two places; i.e. I.IV.9 and I.IV.9a; I.V.10 and III.IX.9; III.XVI.1 and IV.VII.36; III.IX.6 and III.XI.3; IV.II.5 and IV.II.7.
   In addition to the stories suspected as a whole, various other portions of the text are regarded as interpolated, i.e. parts of I.II.6; I.XI.13; II.III.7; II.V.31; II.V.34; II.IX.2; IV.V.14, which are condemned on grounds of Latinity or other lack of agreement with the genuine or even the pseudo-Frontinus. In all sections of the book are found errors in names and in facts, and many changes in order have been suggested. Wachsmuth would put II.IX.3, 5 in III.VIII, and IV.III.14 after II.XI.7. Gundermann thinks II.VIII.5 should follow II.VIII.3, and II.VIII.9 follow II.VIII.10. For the transposition of a whole leaf of the manuscript, see .º The errors in general Gundermann thinks should be attributed in small part to copyists, in larger part to the carelessness or the error of the author, but in largest part to the sources from which the material is drawn, many of which no longer exist.
   In his preface to the De Aquis Frontinus himself tells us how it came to be written. Having been invested with the duties of water commissioner, he deemed it of the greatest importance to familiarize himself with the business he had undertaken, considering nothing so disgraceful as for a decent man to conduct an office delegated to him according to the instructions of assistants. He therefore gathered together scattered facts bearing on his subject, primarily to serve for his own guidance and instruction, though not unmindful of the fact that his efforts might be found useful by his successor.
   Animated by this spirit and purpose, he wrote his little manual, faithfully carrying out the programme which he had laid down for himself at the outset of the work. He tells us the names of the aqueducts existing in his day, when and by whom each was constructed, at what points each had its source, how far they were carried underground and how far on arches, the height and size of each, the number of taps and the distributions made from them, the amount of water supplied to public reservoirs, public amusements, State purposes and private persons, and finally what laws regulated the construction and maintenance of aqueducts, and what penalties enforced these laws, whether established by resolutions of the Senate or by edicts of the Emperors. And what he records is based not on hearsay, but on personal examination of all details, supplemented by the study of plans and charts which he had made.
   The work is a simple and truthful narration of facts, containing a mass of technical detail essential to a complete understanding of the system described. As an honest and thorough-going exposition of that system, the De Aquis will always remain the starting-point for any investigation pertaining to the water supply of ancient Rome.
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   Rome, believed to be the location of Frontinus’ death