63. Bauman, Women and Politics in Ancient Rome, p. n6.
64. Horace, Odes, II1.24.27-29.
70. Dio Cassius, 56.6.6.
71. Dio Cassius, 56.6.6, 7.1.
66. Dio Cassius, 56.3.6, 3.8.
67. Dio Cassius, 56.2.5, 3.3.
68. Dio Cassius, 56.5.2-3.
69. Dio Cassius, 56.6.5.
75. Suetonius, Augustus, 34; Dio Cassius, 54.16.7, indicates the limit was two years.
72. Dio Cassius, 56.7.2-4.
73. Dio Cassius, 56.7.6-8.1.
74. Dio Cassius, 56.10.1-3.
76. Treggiari, Roman Marriage: lusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian, pp. 74-75.
77. Raditsa, "Augustus' Legislation concerning Marriage, Procreation, Love Affairs and Adultery," p. 318.
78. Tacitus, Annals, 2.85.1.
81. J.-U. Krause, Witwen and Waisen im Romischen Reich I.• Verwitwung and Wieder- verheiratung, HABES i6 (Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1994), 137.
82. T. A. J. McGinn, "Widows, Orphans, and Social History," Journal of Roman Archaeology 12 (1999): 620.
79. McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law, p. 197.
8o. Suetonius, Tiberius, 35; Tacitus, Annals, 2.85.
83. S. Treggiari, Roman Marriage: lusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian, pp. 195-97.
84. Dio Cassius, 54.19.2-3. On Augustus' private behaviour both as a youth and subsequently, Suetonius, Augustus, 69 had much to recount, although official presentations gave a very different picture. F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1926), II. 9o.
85. S. Treggiari, Roman Marriage: lusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian, p. 8o.
86. T. A. J. McGinn, "The Augustan Marriage Legislation and Social Practice: Elite Endogamy versus Male `Marrying Down," in J.-J. Aubert and B. Sirks, eds., Speculum luris: Roman Law as a Reflection of Social and Economic Life in Antiquity (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002), p. 83.
87. McGinn, "The Augustan Marriage Legislation and Social Practice: Elite Endogmy versus Male `Marrying Down'," pp. 83-84.
88. Culham, "Did Roman Women Have an Empire?" Culham rightly does not use the term emancipation'. The citation summarizing Culham is found in the introduction to Part II ("Constructing the Past: The Practice of Periodization") in Golden and Tooley, eds., Inventing Ancient Culture, p. 95.
i. As many of the primary sources on the Stoics and Pythagoreans are not readily accessible, relevant sections have been cited at length.
2. Seneca, ad Helviam, 16:3-4.
3. H. North, Sophrosyne: Self-Knowledge and Self-Restraint in Greek Literature, Cornell Studies in Classical Philology, 35 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1966), p. 388, s.v. `Feminine arete'.
4. For discussion of this Corinthian inscription, see pp. 35-36.
5. Seneca, Ad Helviam, 17:4. On the private instruction in philosophy of elite women, see E. A. Hemelrijk, Matrona Docta: Educated Women in the Rome Elite from Correlia to Julia Domna (London: Routledge, 1999), pp. 37-41.
6. Seneca, Moral Epistles, 89.8.
7. It was Plato who used ~pbvfrns and ao~ia interchangeably in a list of cardinal virtues in The Republic, 433b-d, and in Phaedo 69a-b he lists the former rather than the latter.
8. See Musonius IV. 1.15 for the traditional order. For the ordering and a discussion of these virtues see H. F. North, "Canons and Hierarchies of the Cardinal Virtues in Greek and Latin Literature," in L. Wallach, ed., The Classical Tradition: Literary and Historical Studies in Honor of Harry Caplan (New York: Cornell University Press, 1966), pp. 166-68.
9. Philo, Det. 34, and my discussion in Philo and Paul among the Sophists: Alexandrian and Corinthian Responses to a Julio-Claudian Movement, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002), pp. 102-5.
lo. The text and translation of Musonius Rufus are those of Cora E. Lutz, "Musonius Rufus, `The Roman Socrates," Yale Classical Studies io (1947): 3-147; and E. A. Judge, "A Woman's Behaviour;" New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity 6 (1992): 20-21, both adapted.
n. C. E. Manning, "Seneca and Stoics on the Equality of the Sexes," Mnemosyne Ser. 4, 26 (1973): 170-77. That virtue is the same for men and women was held by Cleanthes (331-231 B.c.) and Diogenes Laertius 7.175. See also Seneca, Ad Marciam, 16.1, who believed that women were equal to men in their capacity for virtue.
12. Lutz, p. 40, 11. 8-16.
13. Here the antecedent of oiav implies a class.
14. Lutz, p. 40, 11-17-20. The plural neuter demonstrative pronoun `these' (raura) refers to the immediately preceding section and all the works that are stated in the negative.
15. For the Stoic's teaching on good emotions see F. H. Sandbach, The Stoics (London: Chatto and Windus, 1975), pp. 67-68.
16. Lutz, p. 40, 11. 21-23.
17. S. B. Pomeroy, Women in Hellenistic Egypt: From Alexander to Cleopatra (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1990), p. 70.
i8. Lutz, p. 42, ll. 5-8.
19. Lutz, p. 42, ll. 25-28.
20. Lutz, p. 42, 11. 28-32.
23. Lutz, p. 42,11-11-14.
24. Lutz, p. 42, 11. 14-15, and my Philo and Paul among the Sophists, pp. 81-87.
21. Lutz, p. 42,11-33-35,1-9.
22. Lutz, p. 42, 11. 5-8.
25. Memorable Doings and Sayings, 8.3.1-3. For further discussion of this and further evidence see pp. 175-79. Unlike Musonius Rufus others had highly prejudicial and derogatory responses to the success of women in forensic oratory; see Hemelrijk, Matrona Docta: Educated Women in the Rome Elite, pp. 89-96.
28. Lutz, p. 42, 11. 28-29.
26. See pp. 205-11 for epigraphic evidence of their public roles.
27. Lutz, p. 42, 11. 24-28.
29. Lutz, p. 44, 11. 9-15.
30. Lutz, p. 44, 11. 15-21.
31. Lutz, p. 46,11-10-13.
32. Lutz, p. 46, 11. 13-16.
33. Lutz, p. 46, 11. 23-29.
34. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 20.48.
35. Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights, io:23, citing Cato, On the dowry. For the full quote seep. i9.
36. Lutz, p. 86,11.10-12.
37. Lutz, p. 86, 11. 12-14.
38. Lutz, p. 86, 11-15-19.
39. Lutz, p. 86, 11. 20-24.
40. Lutz, p. 86, 11. 24-29.
43. J. M. Rist, "Seneca and Stoic Orthodoxy," ANRW36.3 (1989): 2009, citing Seneca's Ep. 94.26. He speculates that this stance was probably traditional, and notes, `Loss of evidence may prevent us from recognizing it as part of the teaching of Zeno and Chrysippus.'
44. Lutz, p. 86, 11. 36-40; p. 88, 11. i-6.
45. Lutz, p. 44,11.18-22.
41. Lutz, p. 86, 11. 29-30.
42. Lutz, p. 86, 11. 30-35.
46. Plutarch, Moralia 126B, 997C. For further quotations and a discussion on gluttony, drunkenness and sexual indulgence by those who had received the toga virilis at dinners and what was politely called `after dinners, see my After Paul Left Corinth: The Influence of Secular Ethics and Social Change, pp. 82-83.
47. Lutz, p. 88, 1. io.
48. Lutz, p. 88, U. 17-29.
49. S. Pomeroy, Women in Hellenistic Egypt: From Alexander to Cleopatra, pp. 67-68.
50. S. Treggiari, Roman Marriage: lusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian (Oxford: Clarendon, i99i), p. 199.
51. Treggiari, Roman Marriage: lusti Coniuges, p. 193.
52. P.Haun. II 13 is a third-century A.D. copy of a letter from a much earlier period. For a discussion of dating and the writing of a letter from one woman to another, see Pomeroy, Women in Hellenistic Egypt: From Alexander to Cleopatra, pp. 64-67.
53. Pomeroy, Women in Hellenistic Egypt: From Alexander to Cleopatra, p. 64.
54. P.Haun. II 13,11.1-42.
55. For the text see A. J. Malherbe, Moral Exhortation: A Greco-Roman Sourcebook (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1986), pp. 35-36, with amendments in 11.43-47 by Judge, "A Woman's Behaviour," pp. 20-21.
56. Pome
roy, Women in Hellenistic Egypt: From Alexander to Cleopatra, p. 70.
57. Treggiari, Roman Marriage: lusti Coniuges, p. 196, citing Thesleff, Texts, 151.
58. Perictione, "On the Harmony of a Woman," cited by Pomeroy, Women in Hellenistic Egypt: From Alexander to Cleopatra, p. 68.
59. Perictione, "On the Harmony of a Woman," cited by Pomeroy, Women in Hellenistic Egypt: From Alexander to Cleopatra, p. 69.
60. Pomeroy, Women in Hellenistic Egypt: From Alexander to Cleopatra, p. 70.
i. Since researching 1 Corinthians 11:2-16 in 2000, for my chapter in "Veiled Men and Wives and Christian Contentiousness," in After Paul Left Corinth: The Influence of Secular Ethics and Social Change (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2001), ch. 6, three important monographs have been published. They add substantially to our knowledge of Roman dress (including the policing of it) and therefore to my original discussion. These are A. T. Croom, Roman Clothing and Fashion (Stroud: Tempus, 2000); L. Llewellyn-Jones, ed., Women's Dress in the Ancient Greek World (London and Swansea: Duckworth and University Press of Wales, 2002); and S. B. Pomeroy, Spartan Women (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002). An important review article by T. A. J. McGinn, "Widows, Orphans and Social History," also appeared in the Journal of Roman Archaeology 12 (1999): 617-32, in which he assessed Krause's Witwen and Waisen im Romischen Reich, Heidelberger althistorische Beitrage and epigraphischer Studien 16-19 (Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1994-95), Vols. I-IV. An earlier work, The World of Roman Costume, ed. L. Bonfante and J. L. Sebesta (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994), also adds to the evidence and supplements the interpretation presented in my original chapter.
2. Plutarch, "Advice to the Bride and Groom," 138D. See also Juvenal, Satires, 2119ff.; 1o.333ff.; and Tacitus, The Annals, 11.27.1; 1537.9.
3. Felix, 174.20. Translation is by La Follette, see n. 4.
4. L. La Follette, "The Costume of the Roman Bride," in L. Bonfante and J. L. Sebesta, eds., The World of Roman Costume, p. 61, n. 10, where she states that `recent linguistic work indicates that the roots are probably not the same'.
5. La Follette, "The Costume of the Roman Bride," pp. 55-56.
6. G. Davies, "Clothes as Sign: The Case of the Large and Small Herculaneum Women," in L. Llewellyn-Jones, ed., Women's Dress in the Ancient Greek World, p. 227.
7. Davies, "Clothes as Sign: The Case of the Large and Small Herculaneum Women;" pp. 228, 237-38.
8. S. Blundell, "Clutching at Clothes," in Women's Dress in the Ancient Greek World, ch. 9, suggests that there were a number of reasons for a woman clutching her clothing in the classical Greek period, including disguising her face with a veil when about to engage in sexual intercourse. However, this does not apply in the Roman statue types under discussion.
9. Davies, "Clothes as Sign: The Case of the Large and Small Herculaneum Women;" pp. 234-35, draws attention to the portrayal of Greek women where the veil is used in the small Herculaneum statue of a later period and it is removed in a large statue of a later period when the Roman stola was no longer in fashion and Roman society under Hadrian was captured by a revival Hellenism.
10. Davies, "Clothes as Sign: The Case of the Large and Small Herculaneum Women;" p. 236.
11. La Follette, "The Costume of the Roman Bride," p. 55.
12. R. MacMullen, "Women in Public in the Roman Empire," Historia 29 (i98o): 2o8-i8 cit. p. 218.
13. J. L. Sebesta, "Symbolism in the Costume of the Roman Woman," in L. Bonfante and J. L. Sebesta, eds., The World of Roman Costume, p. 48, and n. 41.
14. See www.romanchristianwomen.com for pictures of these and other statue types.
15. This was not untypical of Roman conventions and was also seen in the use of foreign words to indicate sexual activity of which they did not approve; see J. N. Adams, The Latin Sexual Vocabulary (London: Duckworth, 1982), p. 228.
16. A. Dalby, "Levels of Concealment: The Dress of the Hetairai and Pornai in Greek Texts," in L. Llewellyn-Jones, ed., Women's Dress in the Ancient Greek World, ch. 7.
17. Dalby, "Levels of Concealment: The Dress of the Hetairai and Pornai in Greek Texts," p. 114.
18. Seneca, Ad Helviam, 16.5, and De Beneficiis, 7.9.5. Pomeroy, Spartan Women, p. 25. yupvbs can mean lightly clad.
19. Dalby, "Levels of Concealment: The Dress of the Hetairai and Pornai in Greek Texts;" p. 115, citing Plautus, Pseudolus, 1. 182. See also A. M. Stout, "Jewelry as a Symbol of Status in the Roman Empire," in L. Bonfante and J. L. Sebesta, eds., The World of Roman Costume, ch. 5.
20. Antipater of Sidon, Anthologia Palatina 7.413. Dalby, "Levels of Concealment: The Dress of the Hetairai and Pornai in Greek Texts;" pp. 119-20.
23. Memorable Deeds and Sayings, 6.3.10.
24. Isidore, Origines, 19.2.5.5, cited by Sebesta, "Symbolism in the Costume of the Roman Woman," p 53, n. 50.
25. Sebesta, "Symbolism in the Costume of the Roman Woman," p. 50.
26. 6 aurbs operates as an associative instrumental; A. T. Robertson, A Grammar of the Greek New Testament in the Light of Historical Research, 2nd ed. (New York: Hodder and Stoughton, 1914), p. 687.
27. Dio Chrysostom, Or. 64.3. Cf. Tacitus, Germania, 19, which refers to German tribes.
21. Sebesta, "Symbolism in the Costume of the Roman Woman," p. 48.
22. Memorable Deeds and Sayings, 6.3.10.
28. On the idea of shame (aioxpbv) in Roman society see the extended treatment by R. A. Kaster, "The Shame of the Romans," TAPA 127 (1997): 1-19.
29. J. A. Crook, Law and Life of Rome, 90 B.C.-A.D. 212 (New York: Cornell University Press, 1967), and also pp. 7-8 for a discussion of the penchant of Roman citizens for a knowledge of legal matters for this very reason.
30. J.-J. Aubert and B. Sirks, Speculum luris: Roman Law as a Reflection of Social and Economic Life in Antiquity (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002), pp. vi-vii, recognise this contribution of J. A. Crook; see n. 29.
31. The Digest, 47.10.15.15.
32. It was a legal requirement that the husband initiate criminal proceedings for adultery against her, otherwise he stood in danger of being prosecuted under Roman law for complicity in the affair. See p. 42.
33• A. T. Groom, Roman Clothing and Fashion, p. 75. Italics are hers.
36. McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law, p. 154.
37. McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law, p. 143.
38. McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law, p. 162.
39. McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law, p. 162.
34. The Digest, 9.9.20.
35• T. A. J. McGinn states, `I know of no comprehensive treatment of this important subject, i.e., 'Augustus's intervention in the field of clothing'; Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law in Ancient Rome (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 154.
40. Things were to change much later in the time of Tertullian; `matrons had adopted the dress of prostitutes and vice versa, a situation that should have invited the unfriendly attention of public officials'; McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law, p. 162. Cf. the legal situation in Venice in the Middle Ages when only respectable women were permitted to wear jewellery but prostitutes were forbidden to do so.
41. McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality and the Law, p. 162.
42. D. Ogden, "Controlling Women's Dress: gynaikonomoi," in L. Llewellyn-Jones, ed., Women's Dress in the Ancient Greek World, ch. n. Pomeroy, Spartan Women, pp. 127-28, briefly discusses them.
43. P. Cartledge and A. Spawforth, Hellenistic and Roman Sparta: A Tale of Two Cities (London: Routledge, 1989), pp. 200-201.
44. Pomeroy, Spartan Women, p. 127.
47. Plutarch, Solon, 21. The reason given for this additional punishment was that `they indulge in unmanly and effeminate extravagances of sorrow when they mourn.'
48. Plutarch, Solon, 84,361; Miler., no. 264; ICret., iv. 252; Illion, io. For further evidence either earlier or later see Ogden, "Controlling Women's Dress: gynaikonomoi," pp. 216-i9.
49. P. Cartledge and A. Spawforth, Hellenist
ic and Roman Sparta: A Tale of Two Cities (London: Routledge, 1989), pp. 200-1.
50. IG v.i 1390.
45. Ogden, "Controlling Women's Dress: gynaikonomoi," p. 210.
46. Ogden, "Controlling Women's Dress: gynaikonomoi," p. 210.
51. IG v.1 1390, ii. 16-26.
52. Artemidorus of Daldis, Oneirocriticon, 2.30 (second century A.D.).
53• K. Chrimes, Ancient Sparta (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1949), p. 146. Chrimes links the office to girls as well as women and wrongly sees it as a parallel office to the one governing boys and men in athletics in the Roman period.
54. P. Cartledge and A. Spawforth, Hellenistic and Roman Sparta: A Tale of Two Cities, pp. 200-201. See 1G v. 1.209 (1 B.C.), V. 1. 170 (ii A.D.), SEG xi. 626 (c. 110 A.D.), xi. 493 (c. 125-50 B.c.), 629 (138-61 A.D.), 498 (145-60 A.D.), 500 (160-80 A.D.) and 627 (161-80 A.D.).
55• P. Cartledge, "Spartan Wives: Liberation or Licence?" CQ n.s. 31 (1981): 84-109, republished in P. Cartledge and A. Spawforth, Hellenistic and Roman Sparta: A Tale of Two Cities, p. 200.
58. H. J. Mason, The Greek Terms for Roman Institutions -A Lexicon and Analysis, ASP 13 (Toronto: Hakkert, 1974), fails to provide any entry for this office.
60. For a discussion of the evidence of yet unpublished curse inscriptions see my After Paul Left Corinth, pp. 168-69, kindly made available by R. Stroud.
57. Menander Rhetor, 363-64.
56. P. Cartledge, `Spartan Wives: Liberation or Licence?' CQ n.s. 31, pp. 84-109, republished in P. Cartledge and A. Spawforth, Hellenistic and Roman Sparta: A Tale of Two Cities, p. 200.
59• N. Bookidis and R. S. Stroud, The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore: Topography and Architecture (Princeton: American School of Classical Studies in Athens, 1997), Part 3.
61. For a discussion of the use of these two terms to refer to a physical building or people in a household or the immediate family see my appendix "The Meaning of oiKiu and olxoc, in After Paul Left Corinth, pp. 2o6-11.
62. See most recently J. T. Stuckenburch, "Why should women cover their heads because of the angels?" Stone Campbell journal, 4.2 (2001): 205-34.
63. This evidence is also cited in After Paul Left Corinth, pp. 136-7. It was somewhat surprising that one reviewer of this book called my translation speculating when the term in Koine can be rendered messenger; evidence was provided justifying this possibility.
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