48. Gellius, Attic Nights, 10:23.
49. Pliny, Natural History, 14.89.
50. Pliny, Natural History, 14.89.
51. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Doings and Sayings, 6.3.9-12. Treggiari, Roman Marriage: lusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian, p. 461 n. 120.
54. See p. 22.
55. Philo, Vit., 54.
56. A. Booth, "The Age for Reclining and Its Attendant Perils," in W. J. Slater, ed., Dining in a Classical Context (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1991), p. 105.
52. See pp. 33-34 for the differences between the Greek and the Roman period.
53. Pliny, Natural History, 14.28.140-41.
59. For a discussion of bia(3oXi see K. M. D. Dunbabin and W. M. Dickie, "Invidia rumpantur pectora: Iconography of Phthonos/Invidia in Graeco-Roman Art," JbAC 26 (1983): 337. For the relevance of this for Phil.1:rzff. see my Seek the Welfare of the City: Christians as Benefactors and Citizens (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993), p. 94.
57. See Winter, After Paul Left Corinth, pp. 82-85.
58. Athenaeus, Deipnosophists, 2.36.
60. English Standard Version (Wheaton: Crossways Publishers, 2002).
61. The joining of words is common, e.g., KaXos xai &yaoos as Kaaos Kaya06s and even KaXoxayaoia.
62. A. T. Robertson, A Grammar of the Greek New Testament in the Light of Historical Research (New York: Hodder & Stoughton, 1914), p. 981, citing this text on p. 985.
63. G. D. Fee, 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1988), p. 187.
64. Marshall, The Pastoral Epistles, p. 247.
65. W. D. Mounce, Pastoral Epistles (Nashville: Nelson, 2000), p. 411. The rendering of the verb as `encourage' derives from the 1957 edition of Bauer, Arndt and Gingrich, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature, where `to bring someone to his senses' is cited with appropriate references. However they add `also simply encourage, advise, urge,' citing an article published in 1909.
66. Maximus Tyrius, 30.59; Dio Chrysostom, Or., 34.49; and Demosthenes, Against Aristogeiton, 93.
67. P.Oxy. 33, iv. 1. u.
68. F. W. Danker and W. Bauer, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature, 3rd edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), p. 986. J. H. Moulton and G. Milligan, Vocabulary of the Greek Testament (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1929), p. 622.
71. Philo, Immut. 53.1, 64.4, Virt. 115.3, Det. 3.3, Conf. 46.5, Mig. 14.5, Fug. 98.2, Jos. 73.4.
69. C. J. Ellicott, The Pastoral Epistles of St Paul (London: Longmans, 1869), P. 193.
70. Ellicott, The Pastoral Epistles of St Paul, p. 194.
72. Philo, Flacc. 155.1, Legat. 7.4, Prov. 2.55.7, Cong. 179.4, Det. 49.5, Gig. 47.1.
73. M. Dibelius and H. Conzelmann, The Pastoral Epistles (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1972), p. 140, wrongly suggest in my opinion `advise' in the sense of `admonish', citing in the case of the latter the verb vouOersiv. which does not appear anywhere in Titus.
74. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 5.43.2.5.
75. Dio Chrysostom, Or. 8.12-13; Or. 34.49.
76. Josephus, Ant. 5.256; cf. Bell. 3.445; 4.119. Liddell and Scott have cited the use of awcpovi w in Titus 2:4 followed by the infinitive meaning `to chasten'.
77. Strabo, Geography, 9.3.11.17.
78. Marshall, The Pastoral Epistles, p. 247; A. T. Hanson, The Pastoral Epistles (London: Marshall and Pickering, 1982), p. 180.
79. LPerg. II. 604, cited by A. Deissman, Light from the Ancient East (reprint, Grand Rapids: Baker, 1978), p. 315. See also Dibelius and Conzelmann, The Pastoral Epistles, 140 n. 11, for other epigraphic evidence of these qualities in a good wife.
8o. CIL viii.8123 (North Africa).
83. Dio Cassius, 56.3, draws a distinction between oii oupbs = `domestic' and oii ov6pos = one who manages a household', but these same qualities were represented in the same woman.
81. See Adams, The Latin Sexual Vocabulary, which also includes Greek terms.
82. Strabo, Geography, 10.4.20.
87. Epigrammata Graeca, 243b.
84. Tacitus, 'A Dialogue on Oratory', 28.
85. Tacitus, 'A Dialogue on Oratory', 29.
86. CIL 1. 1211 (Rome, Gracchi).
88. Epigrammata Graeca, 272b, ii. 17-18. The word combines the word for `marriage' bed XtXoc and `single' pouvos.
89. Thesleff, 1965, 143, iff., cited by R. Hawley and B. Levick, eds., Women in Antiquity: New Assessments (London: Routledge, 1995), P. 126.
9o. Marshall, Pastoral Epistles, p. 247.
91. Sexual activity with females before menstruation was strongly discouraged by Soranus, the late-first-century gynaecologist from Ephesus, Gynaecology, 1:33.
92. Strabo, Geography, 10.4.20.
93.0. F. Robinson, The Criminal Law ofAncient Rome (London: Duckworth, 1995), pp. 7071 and my appendix on Roman attitudes, "Roman Homosexual Activity and the Elite (1 Corinthians 6:9)," in After Paul Left Corinth: The Influence of Secular Ethics and Social Change (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2001), pp. 110-20.
94. Themison, Symptoms of Acute Diseases, III, xvii,185. For a discussion of this with citations by others in the ancient world, such as Rufus and Soranus (Gynaecology, II1.3), the latefirst-century gynaecologist, both from Ephesus, Caelius Aurelianus, Acute Diseases, PseudoGalen, Oribasius, and Aetius, see D. Gourevitch, "Women who suffer from a man's disease," in R. Hawley and B. Levick, eds., Women in Antiquity, ch. 10.
95• Booth, "The Age for Reclining and Its Attendant Perils," p. 117.
97. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 20.48.
96. Tacitus, Agr. 21. This was also a problem among Christian young men in Corinth see i Cor. 6:12-20; and for a discussion of the evidence see myAfter Paul Left Corinth, pp. 86-93, io6-7.
98. The term for older men TrpeoG3uTac in 2:2 is different from TrpeoPuTEpouc in i:5. Dio Chrysostom writing at the end of the first century indicates the stages of males: `just as one becomes successively a lad, a stripling, a youth and an old man by the passing of time' (Traiba xai pcipaxiov xai veavicxov xai 7rpsc136Tpv Xp6voc TroiCi), Or. 74a0.
99• Plutarch, "On brotherly love;" 49oB; he added, `they made up their differences and united when outside enemies attacked'; and this it was which they called "syncretism" (ouvxpfl nap6S)•'
ioo. Plutarch, Lysander, 12.1; Strabo, Geography, 10.4.20.
ioi. Monuments Asiae Minoris Antiqua, iii. 499 C. 11. 5-9.
102. R. Lattimore, Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1942), p. 292.
103. This is the dichotomy in the first-century description of life in the city. For a discussion see J. Bordes, Politeia dons la pensee grecque jusqud Aristote (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1982), pp. n6ff.; and C. Meier, The Greek Discovery of Politics (ET, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 199o), pp. 13ff.
104. O. F. Robinson, The Criminal Law of Ancient Rome, pp. 95-97.
105. See ch. 3.
106. Dibelius and Conzelmann, The Pastoral Epistles, p. 140.
107. See pp. 72-73.
108. See E. A. Judge, "A Woman's Behaviour," New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity 6 (1992), p. 19, on the domestic code (Haustafel) and its New Testament parallels including Titus 2:2-1o and his observation that it is conceived along different lines from the philosophical schools.
109. Epigrammata Graeca, 243b.
i. It is tempting to transliterate this Greek term into English and conclude that the question is about women's political involvement. But the ancients saw all activities outside the home as coming within the sphere of politeia.
2. R. MacMullen, "Women in Public in the Roman Empire," Historia 29 (1980): 208, n. i, complains of the neglect of epigraphic material for the study of ancient women. He notes a similar concern of E. A. Judge for N.T. studies, "St. Paul and Classical Society," JAC 14 (1971): 28.
3. R. A. Bauman, Women and Politics in Ancient Rome (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 99-100.
; 4. Bauman, Women and Politics in Ancient Rome.
5. P. Culham, "Did Roman Women Have an Empire?" in M. Golden and P. Toohey, eds., Inventing Ancient Culture: Historicism, Periodization, and the Ancient World (London: Routledge, 1997), p. 203. She cites in support MacMullen, "Women in Public in the Roman Empire," 208-18, on the visibility of priestesses and its impact.
6. This inscription and those officially authorised to other women in the East who held official positions have been recorded in the Appendix to this chapter (pp. 205-11).
7. Epigrammata Graeca, 243b.
8. J. F. Gardner, "Women in Business Life: Some Evidence from Puteoli," in P. Setala and L. Savuen, eds., Female Networks and the Public Sphere in Roman Society (Rome: Institutum Romanum Finlandiae, 1999), pp. 11-27.
n. N. Kampen, Image and Status: Roman Working Women in Ostia (Berlin: Gerb. Mann Verlag, 1981), pp. 130-36.
9. Gardner, "Women in Business Life: Some Evidence from Puteoli," pp. 17, 18.
10. Gardner, "Women in Business Life: Some Evidence from Puteoli," p. 27.
12. See MacMullen, "Women in Public in the Roman Empire," pp. 213-14 for a summary of evidence in Greek-speaking provinces, cit. p. 210. See esp. S. Dixon, "Reading the Public Face," in Reading Roman Women (London: Duckworth, 2001), Part III, where she is less sanguine. There are important caveats as one would expect given the enormous Empire and the diverse cultures, yet there can be no denying the evidence of women's public profile.
13. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Doings and Sayings, VII1.3. D. R. Shackleton Bailey translates it as the modesty of the matron's robe.
14. Cicero, Against Verres, 2.1.94.
18. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds and Sayings, 8.3.2; Bauman, Women and Politics in Ancient Rome, p. 5o.
15. Bauman, Women and Politics in Ancient Rome, p. 231.
16. Bauman, Women and Politics in Ancient Rome, p. 51.
17. Bauman, Women and Politics in Ancient Rome, p. 50.
19. The Digest, 3.1.1.5. For discussion, see Bauman, Women and Politics in Ancient Rome, p. 51; and J. E. Grubbs, Women in the Law in the Roman Empire: A Sourcebook on Marriage, Divorce and Widowhood (London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 60-61.
20. Grubbs, Women in the Law in the Roman Empire, p. 55.
21. Bauman, Women and Politics in Ancient Rome, p. 51.
22. MacMullen, "Women in Public in the Roman Empire," p. 210.
23. Juvenal, Satires, 6.242-45. This was in his satire on "Moralists without Morals" in which he rightly sought to expose the hypocrisy of men.
24. Juvenal, Satires, 2.51-52.
25. D. F. Epstein, Personal Enmity in Roman Politics, 218-43 B.C. (London: Routledge, 1989), amply demonstrates how litigious that period was. The Empire was to prove no different in terms of disputes and vexatious litigation, in spite of the official appointment of private arbitrators in the Empire as well as in Republican times. For evidence and discussion see my "Civil Litigation, i Corinthians 6:1-n," in Seek the Welfare of the City: Christians as Benefactors and Citizens, First-Century Christians in the Graeco-Roman World (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994), ch. 6, esp. pp. 115-16.
26. MacMullen, "Women in Public in the Roman Empire," p. 209.
27. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Doings and Sayings, VII1.3.6.
28. Quintilian, Li.i6.
29. E. Forbis, "Women's Public Image in Italian Honorary Inscriptions;" American Journal of Philology 111 (1990): 493-512.
30. S. E. Wood, Imperial Women: A Study in Public Images, 40 B.C.-A.D. 69 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1999). See also pp. 78-80.
31. J. Rives, "Civic and Religious Life," in J. Bordel, ed., Epigraphic Evidence: Ancient History from Inscriptions (London: Routledge, 2001), pp. 135-36.
32. MacMullen, "Women in Public in the Roman Empire," p. 202.
33. Contra Grubbs, Women in the Law in the Roman Empire, p. 71, who asserts, At no time in Roman history could women themselves serve as senators or hold political magistracies on the imperial, provincial or local level'.
34. Aeschines, 1.19, of women; IG 12 (8). 526.7 (Thassos).
35. Die Inschriften von Priene, no. 208; S. Burstein, The Hellenistic Age from the Battle of Ipsos to the Death of Kleopatra, III (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 59, no. 45.
36. Rives, "Civic and Religious Life;" p. 136.
37. For the importance of the imperial priesthood see D. Fishwick, Imperial Cult in the Latin West: Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2002), vol. II1.2, pp. 291-307, esp. pp. 296-98.
38. LAnnee epigraphique (1958), 78; (1965), 209.
39. For a discussion of these women see R. Kearsley, "Women in Public Life in the Roman East: Iunia Theodora, Claudia Metrodora and Phoebe, Benefactress of Paul," TynB 50.2 (1999): 198-201.
40. IG Xii.5.292 (c. A.D. 300).
41. MacMullen, p. 213, citing K. W. Harl, Civic Coins and Civic Politics in the Roman East, A.D. 18o-275 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987).
42. For a discussion of Junia Theodora see MacMullen, "Women in Public in the Roman Empire," pp. 216-17; Kearsley, "Women in Public Life in the Roman East: lunia Theodora, Claudia Metrodora and Phoebe, Benefactress of Paul," pp. 191-98; H.-J. Klauck, "Junia Theodora and die Gemeinde von Korinth," in M. Karrer, W. Kraus and O. Merk, Kirche and Volk Gottes, Festschrift fur Jurgen Roloff (Neukirchen: Neukirchener Verlag, 2000), pp. 53-56; my After Paul Left Corinth: The Influence of Secular Ethics and Social Change, pp. 199-203; and A. D. Clarke, "Jew and Greek, Slave and Free, Male and Female: Paul's Theology of Ethnic, Social and Gender Inclusiveness in Romans 16," in P. Oakes, ed., Rome in the Bible and the Early Church (Carlisle and Grand Rapids: Paternoster and Baker, 2002), pp. 16-17. My discussion in this chapter is based on a paper prepared for the SNTS conference in Montreal in August, 2001.
43. See A. S. Henry, Honours and Privileges in Athenian Decrees: The Principal Formulae of Athenian Honorary Decrees (Hildesheim and New York: G. Olms, 1983). The convention was followed in many instances for Greek inscriptions into the Roman period as the Junia Theodora example demonstrates.
46. Strabo, 14.664-65, Telmessos (Xanthus), Patara and Myra.
44. Henry, "Crowns," in Honours and Privileges in Athenian Decrees, ch. II.
45. Dio Chrysostom, Or. 75.8.
47. Nos. 1. 11. i-8, 3. 11. 22-30, 4. 11. 47-61, and 5. 11. 72-80.
48. Nos. i. 11. 9-11, 3. 11. 36-37, 4. 11. 61-64, and 5. ii. 80-83.
49. Nos. 1. 11. 12-14, 2. 1. 21, 3. 11. 37-39, 4. 11. 64-69, and 5. 11. 83-85.
50. Cf. `since' (E7rsi) no. 4. 1. 72 and `since also' (Errsi SE) no. 4. 1.58.
51. Suetonius, Life of Claudius, 25.9; D. Pallas et al., "Inscriptions lyciennes trouvees a Solomos pres de Corinthe," Bulletin de correspondance hellenique 83 (1959): 505-6; L. Robert, "Decret de la Confederation Lycienne a Corinthe;" pp. 331-32.
52. See A. H. M. Jones, "Lycia," in Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1937, reprint 1998), ch. 3, esp. P. io6.
53. Dio Cassius, 60.17.4.
54. B. Levick, Claudius (London: Batsford, 1990), p. 167. See also D. Noy, Foreigners at Rome: Citizens and Strangers (London: Duckworth with The Classical Press of Wales, 2000), p. 106.
55. See Noy, Foreigners at Rome: Citizens and Strangers, pp. loo-106, for a discussion of the extensive use of embassies.
56. C. Eilers, Roman Patrons and Greek Cities (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 176-79.
57. Annals, 13.33.4. Kearsley, "Women in Public Life in the Roman East: lunia Theodora, Claudia Metrodora and Phoebe, Benefactress of Paul," p. 191.
58. A. N. Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), p. 17; and D. Braund, "Cohors: The Governor and His Entourage in the Self-image of the Roman Republic," in R. Laurence and J. Berry, eds., Cultural Identity in the Roman Empire (London: Routledge, 1998), ch. 1.
59. Kearsley, "Women in Public Life in the Roman East: lunia Theodora, Claudia Metrodora and
Phoebe, Benefactress of Paul;" p. 195. See my After Paul Left Corinth: The Influence of Secular Ethics and Social Change (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2001), pp. 200-201, where I originally followed Kearsley that the issue concerned commercial interests between Lycia and Corinth.
6o. See, for example, CIL, no. 8837 (A.D. 55) where a legate acted as the civic patron for the Roman colony of Julia Augusta Tupusuctu.
61. See Acts 18:12 and the Delphi inscription, 1. 6, for the designation `my friend and proconsul'. For text and discussion see J. Murphy-O'Connor, St. Paul's Corinth: Texts and Archaeology (Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 2002), pp. 161-69.
62. See J. H. Kent, Corinth: The Inscriptions, 1926-1950 (Princeton: American School of Classical Studies, 1966), VII1-3, pp. 61-67 for extant evidence of governors in the Augustan and Flavian periods.
63. Eilers, Roman Patrons and Greek Cities. For an earlier discussion of the role of civic patrons see J. Nichols, " Tabulaepatronatus: A Study of the Agreement between Patron and Clientcommunity," ANRW 2.13 (1980), pp. 535-59.
64. On patrons of provinces see J. Nichols, "Patrons of Provinces in the Early Principate: The Case of Bithynia;" ZPE 8o (199o): ioi-8i; and for a later period W. Williams, "Antoninus Pius and the Control of Provincial Embassies," Historia 16 (1967): 470-83.
65. Eilers, Roman Patrons and Greek Cities, p. 252. For the inscription see L'Annee epigraphique (1981), no. 840.
66. See E. A. Judge, Rank and Status in the World of the Caesars and St. Paul (Christchurch: University of Canterbury Publications, 1982).
67. Multiple citizenship was possible in the empire. On the familiarity of the term isopoliteia see Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament, p. 178.
68. Imperial patrons Vipsanius Agrippa (Augustus), Julius Spartiaticus (Nero), Julius Severus (Hadrian), and patrons of the Achaean League, Quintus Ancharius (Vespasian) and Lucius Piso, are cited in Eilers, Roman Patrons and Greek Cities, pp. 281, 285, 192-93.
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