42.Alfred Weber uses the term ‘authoritarian democracy’ approvingly in Das Ende der Demokratie? Ein Vortrag (Berlin: Junker & Dünnhaupt, 1931), p. 23. See also Carl Mierendorff, ‘Wahlreform, die Losung der jungen Generation’, Neue Blätter für den Sozialismus 1 (1930), pp. 342–9. The most elaborate and influential manifestos are Edgar J. Jung, Die Herrschaft der Minderwertigen: Ihr Zerfall und ihre Ablösung durch ein Neues Reich (Berlin: Verlag Deutsche Rundschau, 1930); and the less idealistic Ernst Jünger, Der Arbeiter: Herrschaft und Gestalt (Hamburg: Hanseatische Verlags-Anstalt, 1932).
43.August Rathmann, ‘Neuer Anfang sozialdemokratischer Politik?’, Neue Blätter für den Sozialismus 1 (1930), pp. 388–95, here p. 390. In similar terms the German jurist Karl Loewenstein in exile noted a few years later that ‘the emotional past of early liberalism and democracy cannot be revived. Nowadays, people do not want to die for liberty’; Karl Loewenstein, ‘Militant Democracy and Fundamental Rights’, The American Political Science Review 31:3 (1937), pp. 417–32, here p. 428.
44.For a more detailed discussion, see Elizabeth Harvey, ‘The Cult of Youth’, in A Companion to Europe 1900–1945, ed. Gordon Martel (Malden, MA, and Oxford: Blackwell, 2006), pp. 66–81, esp. pp. 75–8; Kater, Hitler Youth, p. 10.
45.Kater, Hitler Youth, p. 382.
46.StA München, Pol. Dir. 6803: Transcript of a blank form of an SA declaration of engagement (Verpflichtungsschein).
47.Wackerfuss, Stormtrooper Families, pp. 190–1. See also Reichardt, Faschistische Kampfbünde, pp. 673–9. Nazi propaganda likewise emphasized the importance of women for the SA. The SA-Obergruppenführer and police president of Frankfurt am Main, Adolf-Heinz Beckerle, in 1940 praised the contribution of women to the SA, particularly their highly active role in spreading Nazi propaganda from mouth to mouth during the Kampfzeit and their provision of comfort to their husbands and partners in times of crisis. See Adolf-Heinz Beckerle, ‘Unsere Frauen’, Die SA 1:34 (1940), pp. 5–6.
48.StA München, Pol. Dir. 6805: Paragraph 6 of the Satzung der Sturmabteilung der Nationalsozialistischen Deutschen Arbeiterpartei, 17 September 1926, modified on 31 May 1927.
49.BayHStA IV, Bestand Stahlhelm, no. 97: Stahlhelm-Führerspiegel (draft from September 1931), paragraph XIV.
50.For a similar conclusion, see Eley, Nazism as Fascism, pp. 92–3. By 1930 the Frauenabteilung, or ‘Women’s Department’, was no longer under the control of the SA. See RGVA, Osobyi Archives, Fond 720, Opis 1, no. 47, pp. 143–53, here p. 143: Memorandum of the Baden police, Die SA und SS der NSDAP, Karlsruhe, 15 May 1931.
51.See also Axel Fehlhaber, Detlef Garz, and Sandra Kirsch, ‘“Wie ich Nationalsozialistin wurde” – Erste Annäherungen an eine Typologie weiblichen Engagements in der nationalsozialistischen Bewegung auf Basis der Abel-Collection’, sozialersinn 8:2 (2007), pp. 357–83.
52.Hoover Institution Library and Archives, Stanford, CA (HILA), Theodore Fred Abel Papers, Box 1, no. F44: Hilde Boehm-Stoltz, Warum und wie ich zum Nationalsozialismus kam (1933). By 1932, Boehm-Stoltz had already published an article in the Nazi press: see Hilde Boehm-Stoltz, ‘Die Nationalsozialistin und die Familie’, Völkischer Beobachter, 20 January 1932, as quoted in Leila J. Rupp, Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939–1945 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978), p. 32.
53.HILA, Theodore Fred Abel Papers, Box 1, no. F36: Hertha von Reuß, ‘Wie ich zur NSDAP kam’ (1933).
54.Ibid., Box 1, no. F41: Marlene Heder, ‘Wie es kam, daß wir zwei Schwestern mit 19 und 20 Jahren schon zu den alten oder wenigstens älteren Kämpfern der Bewegung gehören’ (1933).
55.See also Lara Hensch: ‘“Wir aber sind mitten im Kampf aufgewachsen” – Erster Weltkrieg und “Kampfzeit” in Selbstdarstellungen früher SA-Männer’, in Bürgerkriegsarmee, ed. Müller and Zilkenat, pp. 331–53.
56.In this respect a recent attempt by Joachim C. Häberlen to identify women as actors in Weimar’s violent street politics is only partly convincing. He provides compelling evidence for Communist women’s activities but does not prove that National Socialist women were equally active. See Joachim C. Häberlen, ‘“Weiter haben sich zwei Frauenpersonen besonders hervorgetan”: Zur Rolle von Frauen in der Straßenpolitik am Ende der Weimarer Republik’, L’Homme: Europäische Zeitschrift für feministische Geschichtswissenschaft 23:1 (2012), pp. 91–105. On the persistent gender imbalance within the Communist Party, see Sewell, ‘Bolshevizing Communist Women’.
57.On women’s motives for joining the NSDAP prior to 1933, see also Marit A. Berntson and Brian Ault, ‘Gender and Nazism: Women Joiners of the Pre-1933 Nazi Party’, American Behavioral Scientist 49:9 (1998), pp. 1,193–1,218; Boak, ‘Mobilising Women for Hitler’.
58.Lore Snyckers, ‘Wie SA-Frauen’, Die SA 1:34 (1940), p. 7. For a short biographical sketch of her husband, see ‘SA-Sturmbannführer Dr. Hans Snyckers’, Die SA 2:9 (1941), p. 12. Hans Snyckers later served as Kulturreferent for the German Embassy in Bratislava; Frank-Rutger Hausmann, ‘Auch im Krieg schweigen die Musen nicht’: Die Deutschen Wissenschaftlichen Institute im Zweiten Weltkrieg (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2001), p. 322.
59.Hattenhorst, Magdeburg 1933, p. 110.
60.Riccardo Bavaj, Die Ambivalenz der Moderne im Nationalsozialismus: Eine Bilanz der Forschung (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2003). On the increasing number of female students beginning in the second half of the 1930s, see Grüttner, Studenten im Dritten Reich, pp. 119–26; on women’s room for (professional) development in the Third Reich, see the pioneering work by Kirsten Heinsohn, Barbara Vogel, and Ulrike Weckel (eds), Zwischen Karriere und Verfolgung: Handlungsspielräume von Frauen im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 1997); for recent overviews on gender and National Socialism, see Matthew Stibbe, ‘In and Beyond the Racial State: Gender and National Socialism, 1933–1955’, Politics, Religion & Ideology 13:2 (2012), pp. 159–78; Johanna Gehmacher and Gabriella Hauch (eds), Frauen- und Geschlechtergeschichte des Nationalsozialismus: Fragestellungen, Perspektiven, neue Forschungen (Innsbruck: Studien Verlag, 2007).
61.Schweyer, Politische Geheimverbände, p. 108.
62.Hermann Schützinger, Bürgerkrieg (Leipzig: Oldenburg, 1924), pp. 56, 59. See also BArch Berlin, R1501/20234: ‘Auch ein Reichsbannerführer: Aus der Vergangenheit des Herrn Schützinger’, Berliner Börsenzeitung, 1 May 1932.
63.On the diverse political youth organizations of this period, see Wolfgang Krabbe, Die gescheiterte Zukunft der Ersten Republik: Jugendorganisationen bürgerlicher Parteien im Weimarer Staat (1918–1933) (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1995); Irmtraud Götz von Olenhusen, ‘Die Krise der jungen Generation und der Aufstieg des Nationalsozialismus: Eine Analyse der Jugendorganisationen der Weimarer Zeit’, Jahrbuch des Archivs der Deutschen Jugendbewegung 12 (1980), pp. 53–86.
64.For an introduction, see Jan Plamper, Geschichte und Gefühl: Grundlagen der Emotionsgeschichte (Munich: Siedler, 2012), with further references.
65.Pioneering in this respect was Wolfgang Schieder (ed.), Faschismus als soziale Bewegung: Deutschland und Italien im Vergleich, 2nd edn (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983).
66.On Behrendt’s biography, see Katja Windisch, Gestalten sozialen Wandels: Die Entwicklungssoziologie Richard F. Behrendts (Bern: Lang, 2005), pp. 19–31.
67.Richard F. Behrendt, Politischer Aktivismus: Ein Versuch zur Soziologie und Psychologie der Politik (Leipzig: Hirschfeld, 1932). For a more detailed analysis of this book, see Daniel Siemens, ‘Politische Gewalt als emotionale Befriedigung’, Zeithistorische Forschungen/Studies in Contemporary History 13:1 (2016), pp. 172–8.
68.It was Georg Lukácz who originally coined the term ‘transcendental homelessness’ in his Die Theorie des Romans (Berlin: Cassirer, 1920).
69.Behrendt, Politischer Aktivismus, pp. 57–61.
70.In line with such deliberations are the memoirs of the teacher and intellectual Gerhard Nebel, who, as a radical socialist, in late 1932 participated in several clashes with ideological oppone
nts ‘with deep satisfaction’; Nebel, ‘Alles Gefühl ist leiblich’, p. 130.
71.This was the main idea proposed by Herman Schmalenbach, ‘Die soziologische Kategorie des Bundes’, Die Dioskuren: Jahrbuch für Geisteswissenschaften 1 (1922), pp. 35–105. This essay influenced Behrendt’s writing tremendously. On Schmalenbach’s concept, see also Reichardt, Faschistische Kampfbünde, pp. 390–3.
72.Behrendt, Politischer Aktivismus, pp. 62, 80–1, 96–103, 106. Independently of Behrendt, Thomas Rohkrämer recently came to a similar conclusion; see Rohkrämer, Die fatale Attraktion des Nationalsozialismus, pp. 148–9.
73.Ludwig Holländer, ‘Klarheit, Arbeit, Mut!’, CV-Zeitung, 19 September 1930, p. 1.
74.For the concept of ‘emotional communities’, see Barbara H. Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006), pp. 1–31; and, recently, idem, Generations of Feelings: A History of Emotions, 600–1700 (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2015), pp. 4–6. For the current debate on the difference between affects and emotions and the social relevance of both, see Edward J. Lawler, ‘An Affect Theory of Social Exchange’, American Journal of Sociology 107:2 (2001), pp. 321–52; Anna M. Parkinson, An Emotional State: The Politics of Emotion in Postwar West German Culture (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2015), pp. 10–24.
75.Joachim Raschke, Soziale Bewegungen: Ein historisch-systematischer Grundriß, 2nd edn (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 1988), p. 77.
76.Ibid., pp. 54, 305–7.
77.Reichardt, Faschistische Kampfbünde, p. 32.
78.Ibid.
79.The terms Bund and Fascism are also semantically closely connected, as the Italian word fascio that gave Fascism its name originally meant ‘bundle’ or ‘bunch’. See ibid., p. 390.
80.Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Der Nationalsozialismus: Bewegung, Führerherrschaft, Verbrechen (Munich: Beck, 2009); Arif Dirlik, ‘Mao Zedong: Charismatic Leadership and the Contradictions of Socialist Revolution’, in Charismatic Leadership and Social Movements: The Revolutionary Power of Ordinary Men and Women, ed. Jan Willem Stutje (New York: Berghahn, 2012), pp. 117–37; Richard R. Fagan, ‘Charismatic Authority and the Leadership of Fidel Castro, Part 1’, Western Political Quarterly 18:2 (1965), pp. 275–84.
81.Thomas Welskopp, ‘Incendiary Personalities: Uncommon Comments on Charisma in Social Movements’, in Stutje, Charismatic Leadership and Social Movements, pp. 164–79, here pp. 164, 169.
82.Welskopp, ‘Incendiary Personalities’, p. 165. Already in the early 1920s the German philosopher Helmuth Plessner came to similar conclusions; see his Grenzen der Gemeinschaft: Eine Kritik des sozialen Radikalismus (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2002 [1924]), pp. 43–8.
83.StA München, Pol. Dir. 6803: Guidelines for the formation of a stormtrooper unit, 16 May 1922.
84.StA München, Pol. Dir. 6805: OSAF, Decree no. 2. See also Noakes, Nazi Party in Lower Saxony, p. 182.
85.BArch Berlin, R 9361/II, no. 16746: Letter from Otto Herzog to the Reichsuschla, 26 August 1932.
86.Welskopp, ‘Incendiary Personalities’, p. 171.
87.Gehrig, Im Dienste der nationalsozialistischen Volkstumspolitik in Lothringen, p. 33. See also Reichardt, Faschistische Kampfbünde, pp. 418–21, 468–74; Wacherfuss, Stormtrooper Families, pp. 164–87.
88.RGVA, Osobyi Archives, Fond 720, Opis 1, no. 44, p. 2: ‘Eine Dankespflicht’, Der Nationale Sozialist, 17 May 1930.
89.Ibid., Fond 720, Opis 1, no. 44, p. 9: Extract from the ‘Mitteilungen des Landeskriminalamts (IA) Berlin’, 15 November 1930.
90.Ibid., p. 18: ‘SA-Befehl Nr. 6’, Völkischer Beobachter, 6 May 1931.
91.Ibid., p. 22: Proclamation of the NSDAP Leipzig (typescript), April 1931.
92.One of these women was Marie von Trotha, who regularly accepted stormtroopers into her house in the beach resort of Groß-Möllen in Pomerania, today’s Polish Mielno. A collection of stormtroopers’ letters to her is stored in BArch Berlin, NS 26/326.
93.RGVA, Osobyi Archives, Fond 720, Opis 1, no. 44, p. 26: Ernst Röhm, Order from 12 March 1931.
94.StA München, Pol. Dir. 6805: OSAF, Erlaß Nr. 2. The Communists pursued a very similar strategy; see BArch Berlin, NS 23/431: Typescript of ‘Communist Fighting Principles’ (1931/1932).
95.Geiger, Die soziale Schichtung des deutschen Volkes, p. 115.
96.In the previous two years all SA equipment had had to be ordered from the so-called SA-Wirtschaftsstelle in Munich, which was run by a party member named Rottenberg. See StA München, Pol. Dir. 6805: Extract from the Lagebericht of Berlin Police, no. 128, 20 February 1929.
97.StA München, Pol. Dir. 6805: Extracts from the Lagebericht of Munich Police, no. 77, 7 May 1929.
98.BArch Berlin, NS 26/372: Letter from the Danzig HJ to Rudolf Schmidt, 31 August 1930.
99.This aspect is cleverly exploited in early SA films, particularly S.A. Mann Brand from 1933.
100.His official entry date was 1 April 1931, and his membership number was 508,889. See Elisabeth Timm, Hugo Ferdinand Boss (1895–1948) und die Firma Hugo Boss: Eine Dokumentation (Metzingen: 1999), http://www.metzingen-zwangsarbeit.de/hugo_boss.pdf, p. 4.
101.Unless noted otherwise, all information in this paragraph is taken from Roman Köster, Hugo Boss, 1924–1945: Die Geschichte einer Kleiderfabrik zwischen Weimarer Republik und ‘Drittem Reich’ (Munich: Beck, 2011), pp. 24–33.
102.According to a survey from 1942, approximately half of the German textile industry was Jewish-owned. Four years later these companies represented less than 1 per cent of the industry; Köster, Hugo Boss, p. 39.
103.Irene Guenther, Nazi Chic? Fashioning Women in the Third Reich (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2004).
104.Timm, Hugo Ferdinand Boss, p. 31; Köster, Hugo Boss, p. 30.
105.Petra Bräutigam, Mittelständische Unternehmer im Nationalsozialismus: Wirtschaftliche Entwicklungen und soziale Verhaltensweisen in der Schuh- und Lederindustrie Badens und Württembergs (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1997), pp. 147–50.
106.As early as 1924 the Communist daily Die Rote Fahne ran an advertisement for the Klassen-Kampf Zigarette (KKZ) – literally ‘class struggle cigarettes’ – and promised that Red Aid, the Communist self-defence organization, would obtain a ‘certain percentage’ of the monthly sales. Unfortunately, no further information is available on this apparently short-lived attempt to fuse consumption and politics. The original advertisement from Die Rote Fahne, no. 147 from 2 November 1924, is reprinted in Gert-Joachim Glaessner, Detlef Lehnert, and Klaus Sühl (eds), Studien zur Arbeiterbewegung und Arbeiterkultur in Berlin (Berlin: Colloquium Verlag, 1989), p. 11.
107.Sandra Schünemann, ‘Bilderwelten, Markengesichter und Marktgesetze: Werbung und Produktpolitik der Reemtsma Cigarettenfabriken zwischen 1920 und 1960’, in Wirtschaft – Kultur – Geschichte: Positionen und Perspektiven, ed. Susanne Hilger and Achim Landwehr (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2011), pp. 111–32, here pp. 116–18, 123–4.
108.Ibid., p. 118.
109.This sentiment is best reflected in Hans Fallada’s 1932 novel Kleiner Mann, was nun?, published in English as Little Man, What Now? (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1933).
110.Schünemann, ‘Bilderwelten’, pp. 119–21.
111.Holger Starke, ‘Dampfschokolade, Neumünchner Bier und allerfeinster Korn’, in Dresdner Geschichtsbuch, ed. Stadtmuseum Dresden (Altenburg: DZA-Verlag, 1995), pp. 119–50, here pp. 137–42.
112.Thomas Grosche, ‘Arthur Dressler: Die Firma Sturm – Zigaretten für die SA’, in Braune Karrieren: Dresdner Täter und Akteure im Nationalsozialismus, ed. Christine Piper, Mike Schmeitzner, and Gerhard Nader (Dresden: Sandstein, 2012), pp. 193–9, here p. 193; Erik Lindner, Die Reemtsmas: Geschichte einer deutschen Unternehmerfamilie (Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 2007), pp. 69–70; Grant, Stormtroopers and the Crisis in the Nazi Movement, pp. 99–106.
113.One central reason why the SA engaged in business affairs was its lack of financial independence from the NSDAP. Every stormtrooper was expected to join the p
arty and pay membership duties, which in part were used by the NSDAP to finance the SA. See Lindner, Die Reemtsmas, p. 70.
114.Grosche, ‘Dressler’, p. 193. Bettenhausen had made a fortune in the previous decades through his flourishing chain of station bookshops, which operated under both the former Habsburg monarchy and the German Reich. His credit seems to have been high and quite risky, given the marginal status of the NSDAP in 1929–30. However, it seems to have paid off in several forms later: Bettenhausen’s company was one of the major distributors of newspapers and magazines in the Third Reich, and the Nazis even entrusted him with organizing the bookselling industry in occupied Poland. See Christine Haug, Reisen und Lesen im Zeitalter der Industrialisierung: Die Geschichte des Bahnhofs- und Verkehrsbuchhandels in Deutschland von seinen Anfängen um 1850 bis zum Ende der Weimarer Republik (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2007), pp. 155–7.
115.Grosche, ‘Dressler’, pp. 193–4.
116.Lindner, Die Reemtsmas, p. 70.
117.Grosche, ‘Dressler’, pp. 194–6.
118.Lindner, Die Reemtsmas, p. 70.
119.Ibid., pp. 78, 81.
120.See several regional reports to the OSAF from the summer and autumn of 1932, in BArch Berlin, NS 23/474.
121.BArch Berlin, NS 23/474, p. 105,070: Report of the SA-Gruppe West, 21 September 1932; ibid., p. 105,188: Report of the SA-Untergruppe Oberschlesien, 22 September 1932.
122.BArch Berlin, NS 23/474, p. 105,178: Letter from the Gruppenführer of the SA-Gruppe Schlesien to OSAF, 22 September 1932.
123.GStA PK, XX. HA, Rep. 240 B 31 c, pp. 191–201, here p. 191: Typescript of ‘Wie kam es nun zum 1. August 1932?’
124.The brands of this company, which were actually produced by the Gera-based cigarette company Mahalesi (led by Paul Rother), were named ‘Spielman’ (3 pfennig), ‘Kommando’ (4 pfennig), ‘Staffel’ (5 pfennig), and ‘Neue Arena’ (6 pfennig). See BArch Berlin, NS 23/474, p. 105,144: Letter from SA-Standartenführer Heinrich Löwenstein, Kassel, to Sturmbann I – V/83, 14 July 1932; ibid., p. 105,151: Letter from NSDAP Gera, 20 May 1932.
Stormtroopers: A New History of Hitler's Brownshirts Page 58