“He loved to confuse and mystify people,” his daughter Nathalie wrote of him, after decades spent in search of his character. Born in 1929, she lived with her mother in Paris, where her father was a frequent, if raffish, visitor. In 1935 Babel was barred from leaving the Soviet Union, and never again saw his wife and child. Nathalie Babel was ten when Babel was arrested. In 1961 she went to look for traces of her father in Moscow, “where one can still meet people who loved him and continue to speak of him with nostalgia. There, thousands of miles from my own home in Paris, sitting in his living room, in his own chair, drinking from his glass, I felt utterly baffled. Though in a sense I had tracked him down, he still eluded me. The void remained.”
In a laudatory reminiscence published in a Soviet literary magazine in 1964—a time when Babel’s reputation was undergoing a modicum of “rehabilitation”—Georgy Munblit, a writer who had known Babel as well as anyone, spoke of “this sly, unfaithful, eternally evasive and mysterious Babel”; and though much of this elusiveness was caution in the face of Soviet restriction, a good part of it nevertheless had to do with the thrill of dissimulation and concealment. In a mid-Sixties Moscow speech at a meeting championing Babel’s work, Ilya Ehrenburg—the literary Houdini who managed to survive every shift of Stalinist whim—described Babel as liking to “play the fool and put on romantic airs. He liked to create an atmosphere of mystery about himself; he was secretive and never told anybody where he was going.”
Other writers (all of whom had themselves escaped the purges) came forward with recollections of Babel’s eccentricities in risky times: Babel as intrepid wanderer; as trickster, rapscallion, ironist; penniless, slippery, living on the edge, off the beaten track, down and out; seduced by the underlife of Paris, bars, whores, cabdrivers, jockeys—all this suggests Orwellian experiment and audacity. Babel relished Villon and Kipling, and was delighted to discover that Rimbaud too was an “adventurer.” Amusing and mercurial, “he loved to play tricks on people,” according to Lev Nikulin, who was at school with Babel and remembered him “as a bespectacled boy in a rather shabby school coat and a battered cap with a green band and badge depicting Mercury’s staff.”
Trilling, writing in 1955, had of course no access to observations such as these; and we are as much in need now as Trilling was of a valid biography of Babel. Yet it is clear even from such small evidences and quicksilver portraits that Babel’s connection with the Cossacks was, if not inevitable, more natural than not; and that Trilling’s Freudian notion of the humiliated ghetto child could not have been more off the mark. For Babel lamp-oil and fearlessness were not antithetical. He was a man with the bit of recklessness between his teeth. One might almost ask how a writer so given to disguises and role-playing could not have put on a Cossack uniform.
“The Rebbe’s Son,” one of the Red Cavalry tales, is explicit about this fusion of contemplative intellect and physical danger. Ilya, the son of the Zhitomir Rebbe, “the last prince of the dynasty,” is a Red Army soldier killed in battle. The remnants of his possessions are laid out before the narrator:
Here everything was dumped together—the warrants of the agitator and the commemorative booklets of the Jewish poet. Portraits of Lenin and Maimonides lay side by side. Lenin’s nodulous skull and the tarnished silk of the portraits of Maimonides. A strand of female hair had been placed in a book of the resolutions of the Sixth Party Congress, and in the margins of Communist leaflets swarmed crooked lines of ancient Hebrew verse. In a sad and meager rain they fell on me—pages of the Song of Songs and revolver cartridges.
Babel was himself drawn to the spaciousness and elasticity of these unexpected combinations. They held no enigma for him. But while the Rebbe’s son was a kind of double patriot—loyal to the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and loyal to a dream of the betterment of Russia—Babel tended toward both theological and (soon enough) political skepticism. His amor patriae was—passionately—for the Russian mother-tongue. Before the Stalinist prison clanged shut in 1935, Babel might easily have gone to live permanently in France, with his wife and daughter. Yet much as he reveled in French literature and language, he would not suffer exile from his native Russian. A family can be replaced, or duplicated; but who can replace or duplicate the syllables of Pushkin and Tolstoy? And, in fact (though his wife in Paris survived until 1957, and there was no divorce), Babel did take another wife in the Soviet Union, who gave birth to another daughter; a second family was possible. A second language was not. (Only consider what must be the intimate sorrows—even in the shelter of America, even after the demise of Communism—of Czeslaw Milosz, Joseph Brodksy, Norman Manea, and countless other less celebrated literary refugees.) By remaining in the Soviet Union, and refusing finally to bend his art to Soviet directives, Babel sacrificed his life to his language.
It was a language he did not allow to rest. He meant to put his spurs to it, and run it to unexampled leanness. He quoted Pushkin: “precision and brevity.” “Superior craftsmanship,” Babel told Munblit, “is the art of making your writing as unobtrusive as possible.” Ehrenburg recalled a conversation in Madrid with Hemingway, who had just discovered Babel. “I find that Babel’s style is even more concise than mine.… It shows what can be done,” Hemingway marveled. “Even when you’ve got all the water out of them, you can still clot the curds a little more.” Such idiosyncratic experiments in style were hardly congruent with official pressure to honor the ascent of socialism through prescriptive prose about the beauty of collective farming. Babel did not dissent from Party demands; instead he fell mainly into silence, writing in private and publishing almost nothing. His attempts at a play and a filmscript met convulsive Party criticism; the director of the film, an adaptation of a story by Turgenev, was forced into a public apology.
The Red Cavalry stories saw print, individually, before 1924. Soviet cultural policies in those years were not yet consolidated; it was a period of postrevolutionary leniency and ferment. Russian modernism was sprouting in the shape of formalism, acmeism, imagism, symbolism; an intellectual and artistic avant-garde flourished. Censorship, which had been endemic to the Czarist regime, was reintroduced in 1922, but the restraints were loose. Despite a program condemning elitism, the early Soviet leadership, comprising a number of intellectuals—Lenin, Bukharin, Trotsky—recognized that serious literature could not be wholly entrusted to the sensibilities of Party bureaucrats. By 1924, then, Babel found himself not only famous, but eligible eventually for Soviet rewards: an apartment in Moscow, a dacha in the country, a car and chauffeur.
Yet he was increasingly called on to perform (and conform) by the blunter rulers of a darkening repression: why was he not writing in praise of New Soviet Man? Little by little a perilous mist gathered around Babel’s person: though his privileges were not revoked (he was at his dacha on the day of his arrest), he began to take on a certain pariah status. When a leftist Congress for the Defense of Culture and Peace met in Paris, for example, Babel was deliberately omitted from the Soviet delegation, and was grudgingly allowed to attend only after the French organizers brought their protests to the Soviet Embassy.
Certain manuscripts he was careful not to expose to anyone. Among these was the remarkable journal he had kept, from June to September 1920, of the actions of Budyonny’s First Cavalry Army in eastern Poland. Because it was missing from the papers seized by the secret police at the dacha and in his Moscow flat, the manuscript escaped destruction, and came clandestinely into the possession of Babel’s (second) wife only in the 1950’s. Ehrenburg was apparently the journal’s first influential reader, though very likely he did not see it until the 1960’s, when he mentioned it publicly, and evidently spontaneously, in his rehabilitation speech:
I have been comparing the diary of the Red Cavalry with the stories. He scarcely changed any names, the events are all practically the same, but everything is illuminated with a kind of wisdom. He is saying: this is how it was. This is how the people were—they did terrible things and they suffered, they
played tricks on others and they died. He made his stories out of the facts and phrases hastily jotted down in his notebook.
It goes without saying that the flatness of this essentially evasive summary does almost no justice to an astonishing historical record set down with godlike prowess in a prose of frightening clarity. In Russia the complete text of the journal finally appeared in 1990. Yale University Press brings it to us now under the title Isaac Babel: 1920 Diary, in an electrifying translation, accompanied by a first-rate (and indispensable) introduction. (It ought to be added that an informative introduction can be found also in the Penguin Collected Stories; but the reader’s dependence on such piecemeal discussions only underscores the irritating absence of a formal biography.) In 1975 Ardis Publishers, specialists in Russian studies, made available the first English translation of excerpts from the journal (Isaac Babel: Forgotten Prose). That such a manuscript existed had long been known in the Soviet Union, but there was plainly no chance of publication; Ehrenburg, in referring to it, was discreet about its contents.
The Diary may count, then, as a kind of secret document; certainly as a suppressed one. But it is “secret” in another sense as well. Though it served as raw material for the Red Cavalry stories, Babel himself, in transforming private notes into daring fiction, was less daring than he might have been. He was, in fact, circumspect and selective. One can move from the notes to the stories without surprise—or put it that the surprise is in the masterliness and shock of a ripe and radical style. Still, as Ehrenburg reported, “the events are all practically the same,” and what is in the Diary is in the stories.
But one cannot begin with the stories and then move to the journal without the most acute recognition of what has been, substantively and for the most part, shut out of the fiction. And what has been shut out is the calamity (to say it in the most general way) of Jewish fate in Eastern Europe. The Diary records how the First Cavalry Army, and Babel with it, went storming through the little Jewish towns of Galicia, in Poland—towns that had endured the Great War, with many of their young men serving in the Polish army, only to be decimated by pogroms immediately afterward, at the hands of the Poles themselves. And immediately after that, the invasion of the Red Cossacks. The Yale edition of the Diary supplies maps showing the route of Budyonny’s troops; the resonant names of these places, rendered half-romantic through the mystical tales of their legendary hasidic saints, rise up with the nauseous familiarity of their deaths: Brody, Dubno, Zhitomir, Belz, Chelm, Zamosc, etc. Only two decades after the Red Cossacks stampeded through them, their Jewish populations fell prey to the Germans and were destroyed. Riding and writing, writing and riding, Babel saw it all: saw it like a seer. “Ill-fated Galicia, ill-fated Jews,” he wrote. “Can it be,” he wrote, “that ours is the century in which they perish?”
True: everything that is in the stories is in the Diary—priest, painter, widow, guncart, soldier, prisoner; but the heart of the Diary remains secreted in the Diary. When all is said and done—and much is said and done in these blistering pages: pillaged churches, ruined synagogues, wild Russians, beaten Poles, mud, horses, hunger, looting, shooting—Babel’s journal is a Jewish lamentation: a thing the Soviet system could not tolerate, and Ehrenburg was too prudent to reveal. The merciless minds that snuffed the identities of the murdered at Babi Yar would hardly sanction Babel’s whole and bloody truths.
Nor did Babel himself publicly sanction them. The Red Cavalry narratives include six stories (out of thirty-five) that touch on the suffering of Jews; the headlong Diary contains scores. An act of authorial self-censorship, and not only because Babel was determined to be guarded. Impersonation, or call it reckless play, propelled him at all points. The Diary can muse: “The Slavs—the manure of history?”—but Babel came to the Cossacks disguised as a Slav, having assumed the name K. L. Lyutov, the name he assigns also to his narrator. And in the Diary itself, encountering terrified Polish Jews, he again and again steers them away from the knowledge that rides in his marrow, and fabricates deliberate Revolutionary fairy tales (his word): he tells his trembling listeners how “everything’s changing for the better—my usual system—miraculous things are happening in Russia—express trains, free food for children, theaters, the International. They listen with delight and disbelief. I think—you’ll have your diamond-studded sky, everything and everyone will be turned upside down and inside out for the umpteenth time, and [I] feel sorry for them.”
“My usual system”: perhaps it is kind to scatter false consolations among the doomed. Or else it is not kindness at all, merely a writer’s mischief or a rider’s diversion—the tormented mice of Galicia entertained by a cat in Cossack dress. Sometimes he is recognized as a Jew (once by a child), and then he half-lies and explains that he has a Jewish mother. But mainly he is steadfast in the pretense of being Lyutov. And nervy: the Diary begins on June 3, in Zhitomir, and on July 12, one day before Babel’s twenty-sixth birthday, he notes: “My first ride on horseback.” In no time at all he is, at least on horseback, like all the others: a skilled and dauntless trooper. “The horse galloped well,” he says on that first day. Enchanted, proud, he looks around at his companions: “red flags, a powerful, well-knit body of men, confident commanders, calm and experienced eyes of topknotted Cossack fighting men, dust, silence, order, brass band.” But moments later the calm and experienced eyes are searching out plunder in the neat cottage of an immigrant Czech family, “all good people.” “I took nothing, although I could have,” the new horseman comments. “I’ll never be a real Budyonny man.”
The real Budyonny men are comely, striking, stalwart. Turning off a highway, Babel catches sight of “the brigades suddenly appear[ing], inexplicable beauty, an awesome force advancing.” Another glimpse: “Night … horses are quietly snorting, they’re all Kuban Cossacks here, they eat together, sleep together, a splendid silent comradeship … they sing songs that sound like church music in lusty voices, their devotion to horses, beside each man a little heap—saddle, bridle, ornamental saber, greatcoat, I sleep in the midst of them.”
Babel is small, his glasses are small and round, he sets down secret sentences. And meanwhile his dispatches, propaganda screeches regularly published in Red Cavalryman, have a different tone: “Soldiers of the Red Army, finish them off! Beat down harder on the opening covers of their stinking graves!” And: “That is what they are like, our heroic nurses! Caps off to the nurses! Soldiers and commanders, show respect to the nurses!” (In the Diary the dubious propagandist writes satirically, “Opening of the Second Congress of the Third International, unification of the peoples finally realized, now all is clear … We shall advance into Europe and conquer the world.”)
And always there is cruelty, and always there are the Jews. “Most of the rabbis have been exterminated.” “The Jewish cemetery … hundreds of years old, gravestones have toppled over … overgrown with grass, it has seen Khmelnitsky now Budyonny … everything repeats itself, now that whole story—Poles, Cossacks, Jews—is repeating itself with stunning exactitude, the only new element is Communism.” “They all say they’re fighting for justice and they all loot.” “Life is loathsome, murderers, it’s unbearable, baseness and crime.” “I ride along with them, begging the men not to massacre prisoners … I couldn’t look at their faces, they bayoneted some, shot others, bodies covered by corpses, they strip one man while they’re shooting another, groans, screams, death rattles.” “We are destroyers … we move like a whirlwind, like a stream of lava, hated by everyone, life shatters, I am at a huge, never-ending service for the dead … the sad senselessness of my life.”
The Jews: “The Poles ransacked the place, then the Cossacks.” “Hatred for the Poles is unanimous. They have looted, tortured, branded the pharmacist with a red-hot iron, put needles under his nails, pulled out his hair, all because somebody shot at a Polish officer.” “The Jews ask me to use my influence to save them from ruin, they are being robbed of food and goods … The cobbler had looked forward to Sovi
et rule—and what he sees are Jew-baiters and looters … Organized looting of a stationer’s shop, the proprietor in tears, they tear up everything … When night comes the whole town will be looted—everybody knows it.”
The Jews at the hands of the Poles: “A pogrom … a naked, barely breathing prophet of an old man, an old woman butchered, a child with fingers chopped off, many people still breathing, stench of blood, everything turned upside down, chaos, a mother sitting over her sabered son, an old woman lying twisted up like a pretzel, four people in one hovel, filth, blood under a black beard, just lying there in the blood.”
The Jews at the hands of the Bolsheviks: “Our men nonchalantly walking around looting whenever possible, stripping mangled corpses. The hatred is the same, the Cossacks just the same, it’s nonsense to think one army is different from another. The life of these little towns. There’s no salvation. Everyone destroys them.” “Our men were looting last night, tossed out the To-rah scrolls in the synagogue and took the velvet covers for saddlecloths. The military commissar’s dispatch rider examines phylacteries, wants to take the straps.” The Diary mourns, “What a mighty and marvelous life of a nation existed here. The fate of Jewry.”
And then: “I am an outsider.” And again: “I don’t belong, I’m all alone, we ride on … five minutes after our arrival the looting starts, women struggling, weeping and wailing, it’s unbearable, I can’t stand these never-ending horrors … [I] snatch a flatcake out of the hands of a peasant woman’s little boy.” He does this mechanically, and without compunction.
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