by Brian Haig
“Why?”
“Because there are enough powerful names in those messages to make sure we’ll both retire as general officers.”
He appreciated my self-serving logic and asked, “So you hid it?”
“I put it in a safe place. Someplace only the major and I know about.”
He regarded me a moment, then said, “Who are you?”
“You know who I am.”
He repeated his question with his pistol pointed between my eyes, this time adding, “You won’t hear me ask again.”
“Major Tran’s partner. She and I are investigating the death of Clifford Daniels.”
“Ah . . . well, then I am confused. I was informed that my old friend took his own life. So, Colonel . . .” He apparently had a politician’s vanity about glasses, without the politician’s gift for name recall, because he had to lean forward and study my nametag. “Colonel Drummond . . . suicide or murder? Which was it?”
“You don’t know me?”
“Why? Have we met before?”
He did look clueless, as if he was totally unfamiliar with my name. But if somebody in Washington had informed him about Bian Tran, surely they had also informed him about me. I found it curious that he felt a need to play games; he had the gun, after all. But, since he was being selective, I decided to be selective, too, and instead addressed his first question. “Cliff’s death looked like suicide. Certainly, he had ample motive—a nasty divorce, a disappointing life, and as you know, an order to appear before a congressional investigating committee. He was already professionally ruined; next stop was public disgrace.”
“So then . . . it was suicide?”
“It was murder. A hired female assassin. It was staged to replicate suicide, and you know what? But for a few sloppy mistakes and contradictions, that might’ve been our ruling.”
I quickly recounted those mistakes, and he listened, but it looked like his mind was on other matters, and he did not seem all that focused or bothered. I concluded, “Were she my employee, I’d cancel her Christmas bonus.”
Charabi’s expression had now turned to suspicion. He studied me a moment and asked, “Are you wired?” He did not wait for an answer. “Stand up. Remove your shirt.”
I did not stand. I had had enough. A murderer, a betrayer, a kidnapper—no way was I going to indulge this man by stripping.
“Your shirt—now,” he barked, and once again directed the pistol at my groin. His hand was shaking and his trigger knuckle was white.
Well, why not? I unbuttoned and threw my Army blouse on the floor. I stood and pulled my trousers down to my ankles and did a slow pirouette so he could see I was not wired. He said, “The T-shirt, also,” and I pulled it off as well. He informed me, “There is a wonderful Kurdish saying that predates modern electronics. A naked man tells no lies.”
“If you think my underpants are coming off, shoot me now.”
He laughed, then said, “You can put them back on,” and I took a moment and redressed.
Everybody watches cop shows these days, and they presume you can visually detect a listening device, though frankly that perception has long been outmoded by the miracle of miniaturization. My Bureau friends, I knew from personal experience, actually have a bug in a suppository, which gives a whole new meaning to the phrase “talking out your ass.” But, to be blunt, yours truly is not that dedicated. Had I been wired, though, Tirey’s people would already have busted down the door, I would be pointing the pistol at his head, and he would be answering my questions. On second thought, a suppository up your ass is not that bad.
Anyway, while I buttoned my blouse, I sat and considered my options and he toyed with his Glock and appeared to consider his. Letting me go seemed out of the question, but shooting me and claiming self-defense clearly wasn’t off the table. I had something he wanted— information—and he had something I wanted—the gun. I saw no way that we could meet each other halfway; I don’t think he did either.
He eventually said, “Listen to me. I did not kill Cliff—he was my friend—nor did I have him killed.” He leaned closer and added, “Nor have I kidnapped this major you keep talking about.”
Involuntary sounds sometimes escape from my throat, and I heard somebody say, “Bullshit.”
This annoyed him and he reminded me, “I have a gun and you do not. A man in my position has no need to lie.”
“You know what? You’re right. Boy, I’m glad we’ve cleared the air, and . . . well . . . I’m sure you’re very busy.” I stood and got about two steps toward the door.
“Sit! Or I shoot.”
“A bullet in my back won’t help your self-defense claim,” I informed him. I did not like the tone in his voice, and I did stop walking.
“The real issue, Colonel, is what a hole in the back of your head will do for your health.”
Good point. I turned around and sat. He waved his pistol. “I do not think the Army sent you here. Who do you work for?”
I decided to tell him the truth. “The CIA.” I think he had already put this together, though, because he did not appear surprised or shocked. I told him, “So, this is great. I know you work for Iran, and now you know who I work for.” I smiled at him. “Naked men tell no lies, right?”
He asked, “But you are in the Army also? This uniform is real?”
“Yes.”
He waved his weapon at my shoulder and said, “You have a combat patch. This means you have been in battle, yes?”
I nodded.
“Have you killed for your country?”
I did not respond.
“How many have you killed?”
“I didn’t count.”
“This means you lost count. Am I correct?”
I didn’t like his questions and said, “What’s your point?”
“Do you consider yourself a patriot?”
“I’m a soldier.”
“And you have killed for your country—for your people.” He looked at me thoughtfully, and asked, “Do you know how many Shiites Saddam Hussein murdered?”
“A lot.”
“Is a million a lot? How about two million?” he asked in a mocking tone. “Murdered, Colonel—poison gas, bullets in the back of the head, torture, rape, starvation. Men, women, children, the aged—nobody was given mercy. And I do not even include in this number the four hundred thousand Shia who were forced to fight and die in Saddam’s idiotic wars with Iran and America.”
“I read the newspapers.”
“When so many Jews died at the hands of Nazis, the whole world condemned this. It even was given a name—the Holocaust—as if mass extermination pertains only to Jews. Why does the mass murder of my people not have a name?”
“The murder of your people was a tragedy. And you know we did our best to end it, with food and medical programs, and no-fly zones over southern Iraq to keep Saddam from using his aircraft to slaughter Shiites.”
“Your best? I think not. Did the murders ever stop? You knew they did not. In the most merciful years, it was only tens of thousands.”
“It was not our fight.”
He had made his point, he knew it, and he returned to his smaller point, saying, “So you have killed for your country. Would you also lie for your country? Surely a liar has less need for shame than a killer.”
“Killing in defense of your country is no sin.”
He relaxed back into his chair and gave me a little smile, or a nasty smirk—his lips were fat and it was hard to tell. He said, “Neither, I think, is lying to save your own people a sin. Taqiyya . . . are you familiar with this Arab word? This concept?”
“In fact, I think I ordered some yesterday. Means burnt goat meat, right?”
He ignored my sarcasm and explained, “It is a Shia concept. It sanctions lying in defense of our poor, persecuted faith. If I perhaps passed on some untruths to your government, if, before this war, I perhaps exaggerated a few claims, I have no qualms or regret for this.”
“When you lie
at the behest of your Iranian bosses, and to further your own rise to power, that doesn’t make you noble, Mr. Charabi. It makes you a liar and a cheat.”
A surprised pout creased his face. “My bosses? Surely, you do not believe I work for Iran?”
I looked at him a long time, then told him a few things he already knew. “You’ve met with Iranian intelligence, you passed vital intelligence to Iran, and I have no doubt that if we dig deep enough, we’ll find you’re also implicated in shipping Iranian weapons and agents into Iraq.” I told him, “If we dig deeper still, I suspect we’ll also find that you were talking to the Iranians long before the war.”
“Look all you want.”
“Thanks for your permission.”
“In fact,” he said, smiling, “I will save you some trouble. Yes, you are right.” He stopped smiling. “Well, you are partly right. I have been talking to . . . certain friends in Iran. And yes, since long before your invasion. And yes, now I am helping them expand their influence among my Shia people inside Iraq. And do you know why?”
“Because you would pimp your own mother for a throne?”
He chose not to respond to this.
So I took another stab. “Because they want their hands around the nuts of whoever’s running Iraq, and you’ve volunteered your balls?” I looked him in the eye and asked, “Yes? No? Am I warm?”
He knew I was trying to piss him off, and his eyes narrowed. He was shrewd, though, and to piss me off, he did not rise to the bait. He gave me a cool gaze and answered himself. He said, “Because it helps me . . . and it helps my people. And because those who I now find myself vying with for leadership of the Iraqi Shia, and for leadership of Iraq—the clerics Sistani, Sadr, and others—they have their own long relationships with the Iranians.”
He paused and looked at me.
He said, “Like your government in Washington, Tehran also has many views, many factions. Not everybody there is happy with Sistani, or with Sadr. So I give this gift of great intelligence significance to certain friends in Iran’s government, they pass this along to the appropriate people, and now—wallah!”—his chubby hands flew through the air and he performed a silly pantomime of pulling a rabbit out of a hat—“Mahmoud Charabi has his own very powerful supporters in Tehran—and here, in Iraq.”
Amazing. Basically, he had found Iranian doppelgängers of Cliff Daniels, and just as he had exploited Daniels, he now was using these “friends” to make deeper inroads inside Iran’s government. Then again, maybe it wasn’t so amazing. Every con man has his favorite swindle and the conviction that what works once, can work again and again. I should tell his new Iranian friends how well it had worked out for Cliff.
In that light, I said, “When you play so many sides against the middle, sometimes you forget where the middle is.”
He interpreted this literally and replied, “Washington is seven thousand miles away. Iran is next door.” He got a sort of thin smile on his lips and added, “In the long run it will make no considerable difference. Do you know why?”
“I have the feeling you’re going to tell me why.”
“Because it is entirely irrelevant. Frankly, the Iranians have as little control over me as you, as America. I am Iraqi, Colonel. I do not even like the Iranians.”
“That’s not a good enough why, Charabi. Tell me more.”
“Because what I have is fear of the Sunnis who, you might have noticed, receive considerable support from our Sunni neighbors. These people, they are savages. Murderers. For decades, they have slaughtered and crushed my people, the Shia, while they lived regally off the oil wealth that rightfully belonged to all of us. If saving my people means partnership with the Iranians . . . What was that priceless phrase of Churchill’s? That one about Stalin? The one about sleeping with the devil . . . ?”
“I think, Mr. Charabi, it was we who slept with the devil. And you should worry deeply about what happens when America learns about your betrayal, about what an asshole you are. We’ve lost many lives and spent a fortune trying to liberate your country.”
“Betrayal? Ah, I think not, Colonel. I merely passed along a gift. The selection of this gift was not mine, was it? You have read these messages. You know this choice was Cliff’s.” Shaking his head at me, he added, “Your problem, I think, is not with Mahmoud Charabi . . . it is with Cliff, who, after all, is now well beyond your reach.”
This apparently jogged his mind, because after a moment he complained, “Americans are too impatient. They do not like long wars and struggles. You have this maddening obsession for instant gratification.”
He thoughtfully played with his lower lip, then added, “If your army departs prematurely, my people will be slaughtered. So what was for us a big dilemma, by bringing in my Iranian friends, I have now helped turn into your big problem. Now you dare not leave for fear that the Iranians will fill the vacuum, and you will have fought this war only to turn Iraq over to them. Yet if you do leave, Iran will rush in, and my Iranian friends will save us. So, Mr. Drummond, your people face a strategic checkmate, and the Shia, my people—Allah be praised—win either way. Either the Americans or the Iranians, or both of you, will save us. It is a nice position for us, don’t you think?”
What I thought, as I looked at this man, was that he was about ten steps ahead of anybody in Washington. He was right, we are a nation addicted to instant gratification—instant food, instant sex, instant victories. Also, we never think deeper than tomorrow. Here, he had not only helped lure us into Iraq, he had already devised a trap play to keep us there. It was amazing, I thought—and very troubling.
I changed subjects and asked, “What was Clifford Daniels to you?”
“A friend when I needed a friend.”
“I find it interesting that you would describe him that way. And I’ll bet he would find it interesting. Because now you’re here, and he’s in the morgue.”
And it was interesting. I could call this man a liar, a schemer, a thief, a murderer, and a traitor—but accusing him of bad friendship really got under his bonnet. He flew into a long and indignant harangue regarding his “most dearest friend,” admitting that Cliff was, yes, an ordinary human being with warts and blemishes—with an excessive professional appetite, perhaps, and yes, that off-putting self-importance some people found obnoxious—but also he was noble and dedicated, a flawed saint, and so forth. Arabs have a real flair for flowery bullshit, and by the time he anointed Daniels the Lafayette of Iraq, I was ready to blow lunch.
When my host has a gun, however, I tend to listen patiently and behave. For some reason, Charabi felt a need to expiate about Daniels, so I nodded agreeably as he spoke. I actually let him finish before I said, “Cliff Daniels was an idiot. When that became clear—even to himself—he went to pieces. A blowhard, a drunk, a womanizer, a man who went psychotic over his career.”
“No, he was—”
“He was a small, weak man with unhealthy appetites. A man with elephantine ambitions and pygmy talents on a pathetic quest for power and fame. Unfortunately for him, he chose the wrong meal ticket—you.”
“I did not say Cliff was perfect.”
“No, you didn’t. From the moment you met, you recognized exactly how stupid, how vain, and how vulnerable he was. You exploited those ambitions and vanities. By persuading him to support you and your lies about Iraq, you made a fool out of him, and later, as his world began imploding, you exploited his despondency and made a traitor out of him. With a friend like you, a man has more enemies than he can handle.”
“Well . . .” he replied, suddenly uncomfortable. Then he found the bright side, and confessed, “It is a big relief for me to learn this was not suicide, but murder. I was feeling . . . a little guilt.”
“You’re not off the hook. His murder was the direct consequence of your relationship.”
“But I did not kill him.” This topic obviously bothered him, and he had the gun, so he changed it and asked, “Tell me about this major. Why do you believe I k
idnapped her?”
He had rested his Glock about two feet away on the desktop, I noticed. About twelve feet from me, and I began inching my chair in short, noiseless scoots across the carpet.
Actually, I was somewhat surprised that Mr. Charabi was revealing so much of his thinking to me. Of course, this did not mean he trusted me or enjoyed my company—this meant I was dead.
Instead of answering his question, I asked him, “Did Cliff ever tell you how he learned we broke Iran’s code?”
“Why do you ask?”
“It was a tightly controlled CIA program. He wasn’t supposed to know about it. It’s . . . well . . . something of an embarrassment.”
He laughed.
“To be truthful, a friend of mine has his ass in a sling over it,” I told him with a wink. “I owe him a favor.”
“You’re saying your agency still does not understand how this occurred?”
Another short scoot. “Why are you surprised? These are the same people who never noticed Aldrich Ames’s shiny new green Jaguar sedan in the Langley parking lot.”
He seemed to relish this analogy, as well as the irony that Cliff— and by extension, he as well—had picked the Agency’s pocket. If I had to guess, he still harbored a grudge that the CIA had rejected his early overtures for a partnership, and later, that Agency people trashed his reputation around Washington and in the press. He obviously had a big ego; now he was being petty. He said, “Why don’t I give you a hint? The CIA courier for this cell was a woman.”
“Oh . . . and—”
He nodded. “And . . . yes. She was not especially attractive, but as Cliff liked to say, all ladies look the same in the dark.” He shrugged. “Theirs was a most brief affair.” He smiled and added, “I was given the impression from Cliff that her pillow talk was more intriguing to him than the lady herself.”
I took a moment and considered this. The prewar intelligence circle of Iraqi experts in Washington was small, so it was not surprising that Cliff and this courier, whoever she was, were acquainted. And I recalled again what his ex-wife said about Cliff: If it couldn’t outrun him, he laid wood on it. So in the end, this lady was both literally and figuratively screwed by Cliff. But that left a big open question: Why did she tell Cliff about the program?