by Donald Hunt
“Settled into your quarters?” asked Olbricht.
“Yes, thank you sir,” said von Stauffenberg. “Nina and the children are only an hour away.”
“Good! Then I’ll get right to the point. We have not discussed this, but I know you are sympathetic to the cause. Hitler must be dealt with. You have knowledge of the English explosives obtained by the Abwehr.”
Olbricht was referring to the Intelligence Division of the High Command. Stauffenberg was slow to respond.
“I am aware of them and feel they are capable weapons. I also feel that to save Germany, Hitler will have to be killed.”
Over the next few months, Stauffenberg began to dominate the thinking of the conspirator group. He demonstrated great clarity in his evaluations and great determination. He realized that if Hitler were killed, the conspirators would have a brief opportunity to take over politically, but could only do so with the military. Soon Stauffenberg had the key men he needed including General Stieff of the Army High Command, Edvard Wagner, Quartermaster General of the Army, Erich Fellgiebel, Chief of Signal Corps of the High Command, and Paul von Hase, chief of all Berlin based troops excluding the Gestapo and SS. There were a few others like Fritz Fromm,
Commander of the Replacement Army, who seemed sympathetic but would not fully commit to any plot to assassinate Hitler.
Stauffenberg realized that there was a large piece of the puzzle still missing. The conspirators did not have a Field Marshall in the group. Several had been approached and again were sympathetic, but declined. Without Stauffenberg’s knowledge, one unlikely candidate was emerging. Erwin Rommel, the ‘Desert Fox’ of North Africa, had been given command of Army group ‘B’ in the west. His army was to be the first line of defense against an Allied invasion of France. His home was at Herrlingen, near Ulm, but he was spending more than half of his time in France. He was also seeing two old friends, General Alexander von Falkenhausen, Military Governor of Belgium, and General Karl Heinrich von Stuelpnagel, Military Governor of France. Both of these men had joined the conspiracy and were an influence on Rommel. In time, Rommel agreed to join the plot but was opposed to killing Hitler. He thought it would make him a martyr. He favored arresting him and trying him for war crimes.
The final plan was based on a number of presuppositions. One, that the Allies would not demand an unconditional surrender. And two, that the Allied armies would join a new German government against Russia, which had designs on a Communist Europe. This, despite the fact that many conspirators were pro-Russian but anti- Bolshevik. But all of this was unrealistic. The previous January, Roosevelt and Churchill had met in Casablanca and agreed on a position of the unconditional surrender of Germany. Later the Russians joined them.
The conspirators had control of the Berlin Police through its Chief, Count von Helldorf. But they did not have enough soldiers to oppose the SS and the Gestapo loyal to Hitler. They realized that for success, the revolt would need to be achieved and completed within 24 hours. Too, the moment Hitler was killed, his headquarters at Rastenburg would have to be cut off and isolated to prevent either Goering or Himmler from creating another Nazi regime. So detailed plans were completed to take control of Berlin as well as instructions to the district military commanders for putting down the SS and arresting leading Nazi leaders.
As 1943 was coming to an end, the cabal was ready and in place. But by the spring of the following year, time seemed to be running out. Among other things, the Gestapo was closing in on a number of the conspirators. Many of the top generals were being shadowed by Himmler’s men. Those involved were finding it increasingly difficult to meet. Rome had been abandoned to the Allies, and a European invasion through France seemed imminent.
* * *
Werner Schmidt spent most nights thinking of his wife Maria. He had decided not to try to contact her by short-wave communication. Any message to the German underground would have to be in code and then would have to be delivered by currier. Although unlikely, the Gestapo had classified him as an underground operative and might still be watching Maria. By January, 1944, Roosevelt and Churchill had agreed their main concern centered on the defeat of Germany rather than checking the advance of Communism. The invasion of Italy had been remarkable. In the south, the Italians embraced the invading Allies and essentially joined the fight against the Germans. The situation in the north was much different, where German reinforcements poured in. They unleashed their animosities against their Italian counterparts, executing about 10,000 Italian soldiers as ‘traitors’. That fall, half a million Italian troops were placed in railway cars and shipped north to be used as forced labor for the Germans. As the Nazis quickly turned on their former comrades in arms, the German hegemony with Italy was a bitter display that German loyalty extended only to themselves.
During the build-up for the invasion of Europe, the strategic bombing of Germany increased. The targets continued to be military but there was also emphasis on transportation, mostly rail lines and communication centers. The so called ‘collateral damage’ included the loss of life and home. There were no cinemas, cafés, shops or newspapers operating in the major metropolitan cities. Life was chaotic, and there was the ever present danger of more bombs.
Except for an occasional V-1 or V-2 rocket attack, England was relatively safe. London was packed with thousands of support personnel. The final planning of the invasion was to be done by Supreme Headquarters, Allied Expeditionary Force, General Dwight Eisenhower, Supreme Commander. The British favored an attack from the south through Italy, but the U.S. insisted on the shortest route to Germany which was through France. Two landing sites were considered. The shortest distance across the channel was to Pas de Calais. It had the broader, flatter beaches but was the most heavily defended and fortified area of the French coast. For this reason, the alternate site of Normandy was chosen. While Eisenhower was the Supreme Commander, General Montgomery of North Africa fame was in command of all ground forces. He was in charge of actually formulating the battle plan called Operation Overlord.
Montgomery envisioned a 90-day campaign that would culminate at the Seine River. A total of 47 divisions would be committed to the effort with an initial landing force of five divisions by sea and three by air. In all, 1.4 million troops would be involved with 4,000 landing craft, 12,000 aircraft and 1,000 transports for paratroopers.
A critical part of the invasion was the development of a massive deception called Operation Fortitude. It was implemented by using a British Intelligence double cross system, literally referred to as the XX system for Roman numeral 20. Multiple German agents in England had defected or been captured. The Allies developed an entirely fictitious army group called the First U.S. Army Group (FUSAC) commanded by General George Patton. Fake radio traffic was used to convince the Germans that the main invasion would be at Pas de Calais. Other radio traffic indicated a second attack would be in Norway. A number of these ‘double agents’ were from the Abehr – intelligence bureau of the OKW, High Command of the German Armed Forces. The commanding officer of the OKW, Admiral Canaris, and his chief assistant, Colonel Hans Oster, were both anti-Nazi and worked against Hitler throughout the war.
The spring of 1944 was an exciting time for Werner Schmidt. He was part of a team of 20 special operatives who would be dropped by parachute the day of the invasion into the Black Forrest on the German western border. Their mission was to blow up two rail bridges that crossed the Rhine River. All of the men were fluent in German, but only Werner and one other man, Karl Zeller, had been born and raised in Germany. Karl’s family had immigrated to England in 1927 when he was 12 years old. Werner and Karl would head the two teams of 10 men each. After the demolition they would rendezvous with French resistance, then work their way south to Bordeaux, a distance of over 700 kilometers. There, they would be picked up by the British Navy. All except Werner. He would leave the group and make his way to his farm near Heidelberg, 100 kilometers north of the Bl
ack Forrest. With the invasion on, the danger of encountering German military would be significantly diminished. And with the maximum effort to defend the Fatherland, Werner believed he could remain undetected at his farm until the war’s end and the Allies made it to Germany. Most important for Werner, he would be with Maria.
The German army was beset with uncertainty as to the time and place of the invasion. There were 18 straight days in May of good weather and there had been no invasion. German meteorologists predicted that the first two weeks of June would bring stormy weather with rough seas. On June 4th the Luftwaffe reconnaissance flights were grounded because of weather. The morning of June 5th, Rommel set off for his home at Herrlingen to spend a night with his family. The following day he was scheduled to go to Bechtesgaden to confer with Hitler. He never made the trip.
June 5th was a quiet day. Anglo-American air sorties continued just as they had for weeks. At sundown the German High Command Headquarters received information that the BBC was broadcasting an unusually large number of coded messages to the French resistance, and that German radar stations up and down the French coast were being jammed. Eisenhower had received his own weather forecast for June 6th predicting a brief break in the stormy conditions. Late on the night of June 5th Eisenhower gave the order to “go.”
June 6, 1944 dawned, and three airborne divisions, two American and one British, began to parachute into northwest France. Two hours later, five Allied divisions were landing on the Normandy beaches and the general alarm was sounded by the German High Command. After fierce fighting, on June 9th, the Allied forces were well established in France. They had secured one deepwater port to off-load troops and supplies. The Luftwaffe had been driven from the skies and the German Navy from the seas. The Allies now had the upper hand, and the German field commanders knew it.
Werner Schmidt had been in training with his commando team for more than two months. They had each done five live jumps out of a C-47 transport. The jumps were relatively low level, 5,000 ft. Their jump over the Black Forrest would be even lower at 4,000 ft. The first problem would be getting on the ground without major injury. Sprained ankles were not uncommon. Five men would carry a type of plastic explosive and one man a small short wave radio. The other four would be loaded down with water and food rations as well as extra ammunition. They were each issued a Thompson submachine gun that used 30 round clips, a 0.45 automatic pistol, four hand grenades, and an 8” knife.
The drop zone was just west of the mountains of the Black Forrest. There was a plateau between the mountains and the river giving them a clearing of 500 meters width. Their departure time was 6:05 p.m. on the 6th day of the 6th month. The estimated flight time of 2 hours and 45 minutes would place them over the drop zone at just before 9:00 p.m. The 20 men would be dropped mid-way between the towns of Baden-Baden and Offengurg, which was also mid-way between the two bridges. These rail lines were used to bring men and supplies from the Munich area to the front. It was not known if the bridges were guarded, but underground intelligence indicated they were not.
The 20 were loaded on their C-47 at 5:15 p.m. Their departure base was at Ipswich on the eastern coast of England. The flight plan would take them due east over The Haag, Netherlands, then diagonally into Germany. Major metropolitan areas would be avoided. They were counting on the confusion of the invasion to keep them unnoticed. Their altitude would be 10,000 ft. until they descended for the drop zone approach. Their departure was on time, 6:05. Both German and French underground had been informed of the mission. Two German resistance men were to be waiting in the Black Forest.
Each man packed his own ‘chute’ as was customary. Because of the extra equipment, there were no auxiliary parachutes. At take-off, each man snapped his ripcord line onto the cable and sat down to wait. Engine noise made conversation very difficult. But few were interested in talking. These commandos had a dangerous and difficult job. If accomplished successfully, it would ensure another nail in the Nazi coffin. As the men sat listening to the roar of the twin 1200 HP Pratt & Whitney engines, each in his private thoughts, only Werner was truly excited. It had been more than two years since he had seen Maria. He had thought he might never see her again or at least not until the end of the war. He always believed the Nazis would be defeated, but never could have imagined being involved as he was.
The clock turned to 8:52, and the jump-master stood. He opened the double doors. The commandoes stood in two parallel lines. Each man shook hands with his opposite in line and said ‘good luck’ or ‘good hunting’. Two of the men said ‘God’s speed’. On command of the jump-master and at 5 second intervals, each man bailed out. The pilot had found the Rhine River and had followed it diagonally to the Baden-Baden area. The drop zone was just east of the river. So far the mission had gone smoothly.
All of the commandoes were on the ground within seven minutes. There were two sprained ankles but no broken bones. The German resistance had been instructed by short-wave code to have two men at the drop site. One to go with each group. The identification code was ‘ransom’ (das Losegeld). Werner’s group would go north to the bridge at Baden-Baden and Zeller’s group south to the bridge at Strasburg.
The distance to each bridge was approximately 18 kilometers or 11 miles. The demolition time was set for 5:00 a.m. and the explosions would be coordinated. As they were burying their ‘chutes’ two men dressed in black approached from the forest. The commandoes dropped prone on the ground when one of the men called out ‘das Losegeld’. Werner moved toward them and engaged them in a brief conversation. The commando groups synchronized their watches at 10:37 and started ‘double-time’ to the bridges.
Werner’s group hugged the tree-line. He had been to the Black Forest many times as a youth and knew the area well. With his lead they covered half the distance in 55 minutes. After a 15 minute rest, they continued and arrived at the bridge just before midnight. Staying in the trees, they could see the bridge well in the moonlight. To their distress there was a guard house on the German side of the river. The river was about 100 meters wide at the point of the bridge. As Werner was scanning the structure, he was startled to notice that the bridge was double decked. It was an auto as well as a rail bridge. Fortunately, the rail portion was below the auto segment. But this would make the demolition more difficult.
They could see both guards in the guard-house. They appeared to be playing cards and one was smoking. The guards usually worked eight-hour shifts. The evening before, the underground men had noted the shift change was at 6:00 a.m., so they had time to take out the guards and blow the bridge at 5:00 a.m. as planned before the scheduled shift change. It was critical that the explosions occur simultaneously or as close as possible. If not, the area would quickly be crawling with soldiers before they could make their escape. The commandoes had all worn civilian clothes and planned to discard their packs and Thompson’s in the river. They must blend into the population and they all carried forged papers. But each man would keep his .045 pistol concealed as well as his hand grenades. If cornered, they would simply fight their way out. About half of the men spoke French as well as German and each man carried 1,000 French francs. The teams would travel independently to Bordeaux and expected help from the French resistance.
Time was growing short. It would take about three hours to set the explosives. It was approaching 12:30 a.m. Werner and two other commandoes moved cautiously toward the guard house. If shots were fired the mission would be aborted. As they got closer, they could hear the small talk. These Germans felt fortunate that they were not at the front in the thick of the invasion. One mentioned that the casualty rate was expected to be at least 50 percent. Guard duty was the safest job in the army next to being a cook. This night would prove to be an exception.
Werner rolled a large rock down an embankment outside the guard house door. One guard stepped out to investigate. From behind, Werner rolled into him at knee level slamming him face down onto the ground. Werne
r quickly jumped on his back and placed his left forearm over the man’s face and mouth pulling his head back. In the same motion he plunged his knife into the base of his neck severing his trachea and left carotid artery. The guard made no sound.
Simultaneously, the two other commandoes rushed into the guard house where the remaining guard was reaching for his rifle, propped in the corner. The first commando hit him in the face with the stock of his Thompson. The force of the blow knocked him back against the wall also knocking off his helmet. The second commando plunged his knife downward into the base of his neck, transecting his aorta as it arched out of the heart. Blood poured from the wound as the guard slumped to the floor. He took two agonal breaths and was dead. Both bodies were dragged down the embankment to the river’s edge, then pushed into the water.
The demolition officer took Werner and six commandoes onto the bridge walking along the rail segment. It was a truss design with three 60 meter spans supported by two 40 foot vertical granite pillars. Each granite pillar was built on steel reinforced piles sunk to bed rock in the riverbed. These vertical structures could not be significantly damaged. They were simply too strong. The only hope was to dislodge the middle truss off of its mooring on the granite support. The charge would be placed on the ‘French’ side of the bridge.
By 4:00 a.m. the explosives were in place and the detonator wired and connected, the wire running 40 meters from the river’s edge. All of Werner’s team now was on French soil. They had said their good-by’s and Werner ran along the railroad tracks back to the German side of the river.
The demolition officer would compress the detonator while his comrades waited 100 meters up stream. By 4:35 all was ready. The commandoes reluctantly placed their packs and submachine guns in the river. Werner and his resistance companion retreated into the edge of the forest but could see the bridge in their field glasses.