by Henry Romeyn
"LITTLE AFRICA."
The Last Slave Cargo Landed in the United States.
Among the passengers of the "Roger B. Taney," Captain Timothy Meaher, plying between Mobile and Montgomery, Ala. in April, 1858, were a number of Northern gentlemen returning to their homes after a winter spent in the South. The trip occupied several days, and as might have been expected, the slavery question was a fruitful theme of discussion. Captain Meaher, though born in Gardiner, Maine, had removed, when a mere lad, to the Gulf States, and accumulated quite a fortune for those days; a large portion of which was in "chattels" employed on his half dozen steamboats, or on cotton plantations in the interior of the state, and in lumbering among the pines and cypress lands near the coast. Of course he was a defender of "the institution," and, in reply to the expressed belief of one of his passengers that "with the supply by importation from Africa cut off and any further spread in the Territories denied, the thing was doomed," he declared that, despite the stringent measures taken by most of the civilized powers to crush out the over-sea traffic, it could be still carried on successfully. In response to the disbelief expressed by his opponent, he offered to wager any amount of money that he would "import a cargo in less than two years, and no one be hanged for it."
He was not a man to be daunted by difficulties, or deterred by danger. Having made his boast, he prepared to make it good; and proceeded to sound some of his friends on whom he thought he could rely, upon the subject of a market for a cargo. He found but little trouble in engaging places for one hundred or more, and decided to hold about thirty for his own use. The next thing to consider was a suitable vessel. Preferring to build rather than buy,--as attracting less attention, he engaged the services of a young Canadian shipwright, and the keel of the schooner "Clotilde," of three hundred and twenty-seven tons, was laid in the Mobile River, a short distance above the city. She was built with a view to speed, and was claimed by her builder to be the fastest vessel ever built in Gulf waters. Work was pushed on her, and in November she was ready for sea. Lying where she did, her loading attracted no attention although when she cleared "for St. Thomas and a market," ostensibly with a cargo of lumber, her "ground-tier" was composed of filled water-casks, topped with barrels of meal, farina, grits, and salt meats with a covering of lumber sufficient to hide from casual inspection all below it, and make temporary decks and partitions for stowing the expected live cargo. Duplicate papers were prepared for use on the African Coast if overhauled by cruisers; also others making a fictitious transfer of the vessel at Loando, on that shore.
For the capital on which to trade, she carried ninety casks of rum, twenty cases of cotton cloth, and about $12,000 in gold. Her builder went in her as supercargo, and none of her crew, picked up at random in the city, knew of their destination till at sea, and even then supposed they were on a legal trading voyage.
Caught in a terrific storm, which came near sending all to the bottom, the Captain was forced to put into Porto Praya, Azore Islands, to repair damages; but was soon again under weigh and in forty days from date of sailing was off Loando. This coast was too closely watched for any trade to be effected, but the fictitious change of ownership was gone through with, and the vessel sailed for Whydah on the Guinea Coast, north and west of the mouth of the Niger.
This was the seaport,--if port it could be called--for his Sable Majesty, the King of Dahomey, to barter his surplus subjects, together with such of his neighbors as he could lay hands upon, for what had become to him the necessaries of life: rum, guns, cotton, and small articles for personal adornment of himself and his numerous household.
Its anchorage was really an open roadstead, exposed to winds and heavy seas, and the Clotilde was obliged to drop her anchor nearly two miles from shore, and depend for communication entirely upon native boats and boatmen. The "barracoons," where were stored the live merchandise of the Dark Potentate, were about five miles inland, to be safe from cruiser's fire or any casual observation.
Scarcely had the vessel dropped her anchor, when she was boarded by parties eager to "make trade." The barracoons were visited and stock inspected. The pens were full, some of the wares having been held for some time, others newly arrived. Some were true and loving subjects of His Majesty, who had, through no fault of their own, incurred his displeasure, and had in consequence, been swept from their homes and held for sale; others were the visible fruits of raids on his unprepared neighbors.
Where both parties were eager to trade, there would be but little cheapening or haggling over bargains. The owner wished to dispose of his stock--which must be fed, even if but lightly--and to get possession of the equivalent; and the American wished to procure his load with the least possible delay, and leave a place where danger lurked in every passing breeze, not only in the dread coast fever, but in the shape of the armed cruiser.
One hundred and seventy-five slaves were contracted for, all able-bodied men and women, in the proportion of about two of the former to one of the latter, to be delivered "free on board" (if the language of legitimate traffic can be applied to the transaction,) and the risk of landing the stores paid, from the vessel, to be assumed by the shore parties. Everything to go on shore must be enclosed in water-tight cases and landed through the surf; and nearly half a day was at times required to get a barrel safely on the beach.
For the number stated, the price paid was ninety casks of rum, eight cases of cotton cloth, and eight thousand six hundred and forty dollars in gold; the latter the share of the Portugese middle man.
The new cargo was brought off in the long, narrow dugouts of the coast, clad in nature's full dress, and stowed away between decks, the sexes separated, and all ironed at the ankles. A lookout was kept at the mast-head to watch for cruisers, one of which carrying English colors, was known to be on the coast not far distant, and had once paid the Clotilde a visit; but had respected the flag and not searched her. Loading proceeded with all possible haste, and all but one canoe-load were on board, and that had left the shore when, early one March morning, the lookout gave the warning, "Sails, ho!" Springing into the rigging, the supercargo was soon at his side; and saw not one only, but two vessels slowly creeping out from behind a point, not more than six miles distant, and knew them to be cruisers. His information caused a flurry below. Most of the crew wanted to at once abandon ship, and try to reach shore; and were proceeding to launch the boats when he reached the deck. He at once assumed command, ordered the cable cut, and, pistol in hand, drove the crew to the work of making sail; confident as he had the wind in his favor, of outsailing the patrolling vessels. In a very short time the schooner had "steerage way" on her, and in ten minutes more was pulling off the coast at an eleven knot rate, and in less than three hours had passed out of view of the pursuers. Not another sail was sighted during the passage. One hundred and sixty-four slaves had been taken on board. Of these but two died on the passage.
As soon as fairly off the coast, the cargo was divided into gangs, one of which was allowed to go on deck at a time, for an hour each afternoon, when the water allowance, one and one-half pints each, was issued, and the portion of the vessel occupied by that company washed, the work being done by the members of the gang. Food was issued twice each day, and, judging from the account of the present survivors, more than usual care seems to have been taken to keep them in good condition.
Of course nothing had been heard of the schooner since her departure, and her arrival was scarcely yet expected, when, one fine Sabbath morning in early April, four months and nine days from her departure, a foam-flecked horse was pulled up at the gate
of Captain Meaher's house, three miles north of Mobile, and his rider announced her arrival in the lower bay. Though unexpected at such an early date, her return had been provided for. Of course her cargo could not be publicly landed, but must be hidden until other evidences of the voyage could be disposed of.
The Captain of a tug was hastily called from his pew in church, and told that the service of his boat was required to land a perishable cargo, waiting for him down the bay. The "Czar," a steamer owned by Captain Meaher, was fired up, and ordered to proceed to a point below the mouth of the Tombigbee, keep steam up, and wait for orders. The regular Montgomery packet, the "Taney," which Captain Meaher commanded in person, was ordered to leave at her regular evening hour, under charge of her mate, but not to have supper served until Captain Meaher came on board. The Clotilde was towed past the city, presumably to a fresh water anchorage above, but, as soon as the tug had left her, was taken in tow by the "Czar," and hauled over into Spanish River, (an arm of the Mobile, emptying into the bay on its eastern side,) her living freight transferred to the Czar, and she was then fired and scuttled, with a guard left to watch the spot, and see that no wreckage floated down the channel. The "Czar" made all possible speed up the Tombigbee, her fuel principally bacon, which, to aid deception, had been taken on as freight. The Africans were landed in a dense canebreak on a plantation of Gen. Dabney Maury, a guard placed over them, and with the crew of the "Clotilde" on board, the "Czar" in the darkness of the early night, sped down to the junction of the rivers, to meet the Taney. On meeting her, the crew of the slaver were transferred to the "Taney," supplied with supper, cards and whiskey, and kept locked in, till the boat arrived at Montgomery, where they were placed on the cars, sent directly to New York, there paid off, and scattered. They could of course be depended on not to tell the story of their last cruise.
On boarding his own boat, Captain Meaher apologized for the lateness of the supper, took his usual place at the head of the table, said something about a sick cook, and went on with his usual duties as if no unusual event had occurred. The true reason for this proceeding will appear later.
The Negroes had been landed, but the troubles of their importer were not over. His vessel had not been announced at the Custom-house, and of course the Revenue officers were soon searching for her. The story of the importation soon became public, and the officers of the United States Court joined in the hunt. The location of the Negroes was several times changed, and the gang was broken into small squads, for easier concealment. Day after day the cane-brakes along the river were scrutinized; but, though old camps were found, none could be reached prior to abandonment. While many of the more conservative class of citizens did not favor the importation, none would furnish any information which would tend to imperil the neck of a neighbor. But, deeming himself secure from detection, the supercargo with unparalleled audacity, mingled freely with the crews of the searching craft, and was thus enabled to counteract their plans in some instances. In one, when it was feared that time would not be given for any change if the searching boat got away from Mobile promptly, liquor was smuggled on board, and given to the crew, who all became drunk, detaining the craft till a new one could be shipped, by which time the camp which had been located was empty.
But so much valid information was obtained regarding the matter and Captain Meaher's share in it, that he was indicted by the Grand Jury at the next term of the United States Court, and placed on trial for piracy; the specific charge being that he had personally imported the cargo. But he was able easily to prove an alibi. He showed by persons serving on board the Taney, and by others, living in Montgomery, that, during the year ending with the time of the alleged landing of the slaves, he had not missed a single weekly trip of his boat to that city; by others, that he was on board the "Taney," the night the landing was said to have been made, and made the trip in command as usual; in short, so well had his plans been laid and carried out that conviction was impossible and he was released.
The supercargo was never arrested, nor his identity publicly known until after the outbreak of hostilities in 1861.
But the Captain's boast had cost him a small fortune. Frightened by the hunt, and trial, several who had agreed to purchase a number, withdrew from their contract; the trial with its accompanying expenses absorbed money; the schooner and its outfit, had cost him about $35,000; and when he balanced his accounts of the transaction, he found the sum of $100,000 on the wrong side of his profit-and-loss account. He had previously owned over two hundred slaves, and now found himself burdened--(for they were really a burden) with about a hundred and fifty more.
When the war broke out, some of them were impressed to work for the Confederate Government, but many were, in a measure, left to shift for themselves.
After the surrender, a man of the Captain's energy would not remain idle, and he resumed business, employing as freedmen most of those still living near his home. They spoke of him as a kind master. "When the war broke"* they were informed that they were free, and that if they chose they could work for him for wages--and many of them did so--and bought from him small tracts of land, about three miles from Mobile, on which they have erected cottages; thus obtaining houses of their own, perhaps sooner than any others of their race in the vicinity.
Employed, as many of the men are, in the getting out of timber, and preparing it for market, they spend most of their time away from home, and a Sunday visit to the settlement was necessary, if I would see them.
On a hot Sabbath afternoon in June, in company with Mr. Augustine Meaher, I drove out from Mobile to the village. On the way we met a man and his wife in a good "road cart" drawn by a good horse, which they owned, en route to church in the city. After some conversation, during which Mr. Meaher stated the object of my visit, we drove on, they stated that we would not find many of the villagers at home, but that, if I would return the next Sabbath, they would notify all whom they could of my wish, and I could see them after church. As we were not far from the village we drove over to it. I found it located on a high, broken ground, half a mile or more from the Mobile River, surrounded by a pine forest in which could still be seen some of the heavy earthworks thrown up for covering the approaches to the city during the war. About thirty small houses are scattered irregularly over an area of forty or fifty acres; many of them quite comfortable structures, compared with the ordinary cabins of the country. On adjoining land, owned by Mr. Meaher, are several others occupied by families of "Country Negroes," working in the vicinity. With these the first generation "the oldest inhabitants"--of "Little Africa," do not seem to mingle much. Two churches are located in the settlement; one a Methodist, frequented by the outsiders, the other a Baptist "Mission Chapel" of a city church, the resort of the "Africans."
In appearance there is not much to distinguish these from other colored persons in the vicinity. One thing can be said in their favor. I saw no mulatto children among them, and their morals are said to be better than those of their race, debauched by centuries of slavery though how much of this may be due to feelings at first entertained against them, as "barbarians," is problematical. They are good workers, and their honesty is vouched for by Mr. Meaher and others who employ or trade with them.
They support a day school taught by a young colored woman from the city, and during the conversation with some of the original ones relating to their locations in Africa, a girl of eleven who acted as interpreter when their English failed, showed not only a knowledge of African geography, but of that of the United States as well; she used good language in the translation, and her name written in my note book, was in clear, legible, well-formed letters.
Most of the colony were from Dahomey, or as they pronounce the name, "Dah-ho-mah." Conversing with each other, they use their native language, harsh and guttural in sound, but still with more labials than that of the American Indian. It is difficult to tell from their pronunciation of the names, from what portion of the surrounding country those not of Dahomey come. One "Zum
a" states that she was from Loandi, captured first by "L'Ascotah" (probably name of raiding chief) and sold twice before shipment. Others call themselves "Tekki" and say they came from the mountains north of Dahomey, captured in a raid by chiefs of that country. Another, "Maum Pólee" who says she was nineteen at the time she was brought over, and differs in appearance from all the others, says she was "A'tarco" (query "Tavrick"?) and came "long way from Dahomey," probably from vicinity of Lake Tchaad.
In former years most of them looked up to one woman, said to have been the wife of a chief, as a kind of queen or head-woman; and now, one old Dahoman, named Peter Goolth, is regarded as head-man, together with "Cudjoe"--both shrewd, though somewhat comical individuals, who must have been men in middle life when brought over. Though stolen and sold by his king, Peter still has a warm spot in his heart for his native land. In reply to a question as to which place he preferred, he at once replied "Dah-ho-mah;" repeating his answer three or four times, and having it echoed by one of the women, who added: "In Dah-ho-mah lan' all free, no buyee any, no payee any tax; go wuk any lan' you want, nobody else wuk;" adding; when reminded of slave-raids. "Oh no catchee all;" seeming to entertain the feeling, "It was by bad luck." Informed of the Dahomey village at the Exposition, Peter expressed surprise, exclaiming; "Who catchee?" He flatly refused to credit the story of French victories over the forces of the king. "No! no! no man whip Dah-ho-mah! Got 'em too much men, got 'em too much fight-women. No man whip Dah-ho-mah!"
Peter wears a belt of tattooing about his waist, elaborately put on; some of the others have bits of tattooing on face and arm. "Zuma" wears a huge crescent on her face across the nose, from cheek to cheek, made by the knife of her father in early girlhood. One man's cheeks are scarred by horizontal parallel lines about two inches in length; a woman has a bracelet on each wrist, done by herself before captured. Others of the original band are more or less marked, but none to any great extent.