Nathaniel's nutmeg

by Giles Milton

  In the summer of 1616, Courthope relinquished his lonely job as chief factor in Sukadana and returned to Bantam. The energy he had put into his work had not passed unnoticed and it was with regret that the Company allowed him to leave. Within months of his departure the diamond trade was 'in hugger mugger', there was much 'stealing and griping' and Sukadana became a haven for 'heavy and unprofitable hangers-on that have meat, drink and money to do harm'.Those in responsibility called for Courthope's return, 'for it is fitting that it be a man that hath experience here'.

  The request went unheeded for Courthope was needed for a mission of far greater importance. A new chief factor had arrived in Bantam, a man by the name of John Jourdain who had considerable experience of life in the East Indies and who brought with him an unbounded enthusiasm for the task ahead. He was determined to stake his country's claim to the Banda Islands and, in Nathaniel Courthope, he had just the man for the job.

  chapter nine

  Conflict Between Gentlemen

  John jourdain travelled to London in the winter of 1607 to seek employment as a chief factor with the I East India Company. It is unclear what drove him to this decision for he was involved in a profitable shipping concern in the Dorset port of Lyme Regis and, as son of the town's mayor, was able to involve himself in many overseas business ventures. Perhaps he was lured to the East India Company by the hope of getting rich quick, but a more compelling reason is that relations with his wife were strained and he chose self-imposed exile in preference to a life of domestic unhappiness. By the time he came to write his will, the marital breakdown was complete and he totally excluded her from the management of his estate, leaving her a paltry sum of money. The poor woman's final years were spent 'begging from door to door' and writing endless letters to the East India Company asking for 'some competent yearly means proportionable to her birth and breeding'.

  The directors responded by despatching the occasional gift to Dorset — the least they could do for a widow whose husband was to prove the greatest of all the Company factors. Jourdain had long held that the future of the spice trade lay in the Banda Islands and he did everything in his power to promote English interests in the region. Returning home after a stint of more than five years in the East he penned a persuasive document in which he argued the im­portance of strengthening trading links with these remote islands. He sent this document directly to Sir Thomas Smythe who declared himself most impressed with what he read and called a special meeting in order to make public 'his [Jourdain s] opinion concerninge the contynueinge and pros- ecutinge of trade in the Indies'. After discussing its contents the committee summoned Jourdain to the Company head­quarters and listened attentively as he set out the weaknesses of the English in the region and argued that it was essential to 'saufeguards their buysines at Bantam and attempt trade at Banda'. When a number of members protested that this would surely bring them into conflict with the Dutch, Jourdain assured them 'that the Flemings neither dare not or will not sett upon the English'. It was a disingenuous answer for Jourdain had already concluded that future trade in the Spice Islands would inevitably involve coming to blows with the Dutch, a conclusion that had been more than reinforced by his previous trip to the East. Sailing from Bantam in the winter of 1613 he had headed for Amboyna, a clove-rich island under the firm control of the Dutch. Jourdain was only too aware of their presence on Amboyna: graciously introducing himself to the Dutch captain at Hitu, a village on the north of the island, he suggested that instead of buying cloves from the natives, thereby driving up prices, he should buy them from the Dutch at a little over cost price. The captain expressed interest in this proposition but said he would have to clear the matter with his superiors, a response that irritated Jourdain who 'awnswered that this country did nott belonge to the Dutch'.

  When he was at last handed the official reply to his

  proposition, Jourdain was stunned by its strong language. In a 'skoffing' two page letter, the governor 'marvelled that we would presume to thrust ourselves into a countrye where they had made a contracte with the people for all the cloves growinge upon the iland', and strongly advised Jourdain 'nott to deale with the contrye people for any cloves; which if we did they would seek their uttermost to prevent us'. They proved all too willing to carry out this last threat, for no sooner had native chieftains started to offer the English small quantities of spice than the Dutch sent a warning that 'they would build a castle at Hitu and burn their town.' This was enough to panic the natives who were 'made soe fearfull that they durst not give us any enterteynement'.

  When Jourdain finally met the Dutch governor he could scarcely contain his rage, accusing him of deceit, arrogance and lies. The helplessness of his situation was a cause of great amusement to the governor who goaded Jourdain about his failure to buy any spices and made a number of cruel jokes about the diminutive size of the Darling. These proved too much for Jourdain, who told the governor that the Dutch followed the English 'as the Jews did Christ' and added, in a threat that would pass into legend at the East India Company, that they would one day answer for their arrogance 'betwixt Dover and Calais'. Still smarting from the insults, he then put to sea and headed to the neighbouring island of Ceram where David Middleton had successfully set up his temporary base.

  He stepped ashore only to find himself face to face with Jan Coen, the youthful captain of one of the Dutch vessels and a man destined to become the most ruthless of all of Holland's governor-generals in the East. The first meeting between these headstrong men developed, appropriately enough, into a scrap with both men accusing and abusing each other. Coen upbraided the English captain 'in a chollericke manner'; whilst Jourdain employed character­istically insulting language, the product of many years in the company of mariners. Asked to show his commission, 'I replyed that I wondred much that he should be soe well acquainted with my comission; but seeinge he knewe it so well, his long beard (for he had none att all) could not teach me to followe my comission.' This jest, he knew, would wound Coen's pride for the smooth-faced Dutchman was just twenty-six years old and acutely conscious of his youth. Indeed, he never forgave Jourdain the insult and would spend the next six years plotting his bloody revenge. Coen also took the trouble to send an account of his meeting with Jourdain to his superiors in Amsterdam; an account which praised his opponent in order to boost his own standing. 'Jourdain gave us much trouble,' he wrote, 'and I had many disputes with him; for he is a clever fellow and left no means untried which would in any way serve his designs ... We on our side did everything to frustrate his endeavours, for it would have been all up with us there had he succeeded.'

  It was not long before Jourdain found his chance to humiliate the Dutchman for a second time: when Coen boasted that the natives hated the English, Jourdain summoned a great council of local chieftains and, cajoling Coen into attendance, asked them to publicly declare whom they preferred as trading partners. 'In awnswere of which they all with one accord stoode up, sayinge: Our onelie desire is to deale with the English, but we are daylie threatned by the Hollanders ... so we dare not almost to speake with you for fear of their forces which are neere.' The council gave Jourdain the moral victory and even provided him with a little spice, for the natives were emboldened by his presence and began to sell him cloves 'oute of sight of the Hollanders'. When continued Dutch threats caused them to abandon their trade, a disillusioned Jourdain set sail for Bantam.

  Here the news could hardly have been worse. The last survivors of Sir Henry Middleton's expedition were on their deathbeds and trade had ground to a virtual standstill because of animosities between rival factors. As Jourdain stepped ashore and probed the trusty Nathaniel Courthope for news it became apparent that discipline had broken down completely. The two groups of merchants in the town, those of the sixth and eighth voyages, were engaged in bitter in-fighting and neither was happy at the arrival of Jourdain who had been named as chief factor by Middleton shortly before his death. Jourdain was aware that 'they did not greatly
care for my coming aland, and that they were determined not to receive me as principal merchant' but he did not realise that his presence would create such hostility. 'Not knowing of any civil wars,' he made the mistake of visiting the factors who lived in the lower town before proceeding to those in the upper. The latter group treated this as a snub and greeted Jourdain with open hostility. A headstrong mariner called Robert Larkin, 'though not able hardly to stand on his legs,' proclaimed himself chief factor and consented to speak with Jourdain only if he returned later in the day. Jourdain duly obliged, only to find Larkin 'haveinge lost his paine and sicknes, came runninge forth like a madman, askinge for the bilboes, threatninge that if I would not begone out of his house (as he tearmed itt) he would sett me into them'.

  Characteristically, Jourdain took the threats in his stride. 'I laughed to see the world soe much altered,' he noted in his diary, perhaps because he realised that in this total breakdown of authority lay his strongest chance of recovering his position. But when he returned the following morning to demand the keys and accounts, 'they, beeinge armed with guns, halberts and swordes, came out against me as in defiannce, sayinge that they knewe me not for cheife factour, neither should I have any thinge to doe in thatt buysines.' Thoroughly disheartened, Jourdain told them that 'I would not staie in Bantam to trouble them; and I, as much desirous to be rid of their companie, made as much haste as might be to fitt our shipp.'True to his word, the Darling was made ready and put to sea within a few days.

  Six weeks later an unforeseen event brought Jourdain back to Bantam. As he sailed along the coast of Sumatra, he caught sight of two English vessels which, he discovered, were under the captainship of Thomas Best, commander of the East India Company's tenth fleet. Best was an 'ungratefull, covetous and prowde' man whose rumbustious personality was not always appreciated by his crew. When he learned that the Darling was laden with half a cargo of cloves he was struck by the brilliant idea of buying this cargo, thereby saving himself the trouble of sailing to either Amboyna or the Banda Islands. Jourdain was most unhappy about this and suggested a number of other solutions but 'all this could not satisfie the Generall [Best], the cloves smellinge so sweete that we must retourne for Bantam in his companie; and seeinge no remedy, I was content.' Best had, in fact, struck an agreement whereby he would use his authority to reinstate Jourdain as chief factor in return for the cloves on board the Darling.

  No sooner had the men arrived in Bantam than Best put his plan into action. Summoning the English factors to a general meeting 'he propounded that he understoode of some disorders and controversie that there was betwixt the factors of the sixth and eighth voyages, as alsoe of other voyages formerlie.' To much nodding of heads, he now turned on the factors, haranguing them for 'the greate disgrace it was to our nation and the Honourable Companie, our employars, to have so many houses in one place, seperated both in qualitie and friendshippe, beeing all as it were for one Companie; which was a greate scandall to our nation'.

  In speaking these words Best had got to the heart of the problem. Although the men in Bantam were all employed by the East India Company, each voyage sought its own profit and not the general profit of the Company. In forcing Jourdain to sell his cloves, Best was behaving no more honourably than the men he was chastising but he did at least have the foresight to realise that the English community in Bantam could only survive if there was some central authority which could override the claims of individual voyages. 'It was fittinge,' he concluded, 'there should be but one head in the countrye.'

  Who that 'one head' might be was never in doubt. 'After perswations of the Generall and them all,' writes Jourdain modestly, 'I was content (though against my will) to take the place.' At last Bantam had a chief factor, and one who had a vision for the future of trade in the East Indies.

  Jourdain was convinced that the English should now concentrate their activities on the Banda Islands and sent word to the native chieftains that his merchants would shortly be arriving in far greater numbers. But despite his title and influence Jourdain was powerless to decide the final destinations of vessels arriving at Bantam. It was up to expedition commanders to choose which islands they would visit, and Jourdain's authority only extended over a handful of pinnaces based in the Javanese port. It angered him that for more than a year he was unable to send a single ship to the Bandas and he scribbled a strongly worded letter to London complaining that '[because] there is not any ship gone this year they [the natives] will be out of hope; for that they did depend much upon the English this year, which now they will be frustrate of their hopes and hold the Hollanders' words to be true, who tells them that they shall never see any English ship there but once in four years, and then some small ship which can do them no good.'

  A small English vessel did touch at Great Banda in the spring of 1614 and its captain, Richard Welden, wrote to Jourdain to inform him of his visit and urge him to send a ship — any ship — to the islands. 'For the Bandanese do much marvel that in so long a time there have come no English shipping there, protesting if they come they will live and die with the English, for now all the Bandanese hath open wars with the Hollanders and have slain many of them.' Welden added that trade in Banda was more profitable than in previous years and that he was resolved to sail there again 'at the first of the next monsoon'.

  His letter arrived at a fortuitous time, for Jourdain had recently found himself with two small ships at his disposal. Fitting out the Concord, together with a pinnace called the Speedwell, he despatched two factors, George Ball and George Cokayne, to explore the possibilities of increased trade with Banda. Ball was instructed to 'confer with the country people concerning the estate of their business; and if you perceive them to be willing of trade ... you may leave there Mr Sophony Cozucke and Richard Hunt, with one English more, and some black that is willing to serve them.' This was a significant development — the first time that someone of influence had proposed a permanent English presence in the Banda Islands.

  The news from Banda was not good. Gerald Reynst, the Dutch governor-general had recently arrived in the islands bringing with him a fleet of eleven ships, an army of a thousand soldiers, and orders to impose his unchallengeable control over the Banda Islands. As he sailed into Neira harbour the volcano, Gunung Api, erupted in spectacular fashion, convincing the superstitious islanders that some­thing portentous was about to occur.

  The two Georges, Ball and Cokayne, arrived soon after, sailing straight to Neira and anchoring before the Dutch castle. The Hollander vessels caused them a moment's anxiety but they saluted them with a couple of cannon shots and prepared to visit Reynst the following morning. They used the intervening hours wisely. Both men rowed over to Great Banda and made contact with the native chieftains, enquiring about the possibility of building a fortified English factory. The sight of the Englishmen caused the natives to pour out their feelings and one of the headmen, 'pointing to the Fleming castle, [said] that it makes old men to weep, and will the child that is unborn, saying as God hath given them a country to them and their, so He hath sent the Hollanders as a plague unto them, making wars upon them and by unjust proceedings seeking to take their country from them'.

  So far the English vessels had been untroubled by the Dutch, but as the men returned to their ships a Dutch pinnace crowded with soldiers stopped them and ordered them to a meeting with the governor-general. After a brief stand-off the soldiers opened fire and Ball, realising the futility of resistance, sent Cokayne ashore as his messenger.

  Reynst had been fuming ever since he watched the English ships sail into his harbour. Now, with the Englishman standing in front of him, he demanded to see Cokayne s East India Company papers. Cokayne's refusal sent Reynst into an apoplexy of rage. 'He then standing up, fluttering his papers at my face, saying we were rogues and rascals, not having anything but from Thomas Smythe of London, most vilely railing of our Honourable Company.' He added that King James I had recently declared that the Dutch 'had all the right that might be, and
no others, to these places of Banda'. After a few further words of abuse Reynst finished by saying 'that we came to steal more voyages from them as others had done before, naming Keeling and Middleton'.

  It was clear that the English were not going to have much luck trading at Neira or Great Banda and the following morning they hoisted their sails and headed for Ai, five miles to the west of the main islands. Reynst immediately ordered a squadron of Dutch ships to follow them but these were shaken off in a gale and Cokayne slipped ashore unhindered, the islanders 'much rejoicing of our coming'. Reynst's control over this small, nutmeg-rich island was almost non-existent but Ai's chieftains were nonetheless nervous about the thousand soldiers barracked on Neira and, fearing attack, provided the English with a warm welcome. They knew from the antics of Keeling and Middleton that the English were united in their hatred of the Dutch and, when they learned of their desire to settle a permanent factory on the island, consented immediately. An agreement was struck, a factory built, and Ball and Cokayne sailed away laden with nutmeg, leaving Sophony Cozucke and a few men to guard the island. One of these, a trader called John Skinner, felt so confident of their impregnable position that he wrote to a friend: 'Truly I durst lay all that I ever shall be worth whilst I live that the Hollanders never get the islands of Banda, for all the Bandanese will lose their lives before they will be under the Hollanders.'What gave him even greater satisfaction was that Gunung Api, the volcano, was now erupting with such force that huge boulders were raining down on the Dutch casde on Neira. Skinner claimed that the soldiers had 'begun to make way to leave the castle' and believed that were it not for the choleric Reynst they would have fled the islands altogether.