by Alan Sewell
Douglas read the questions as Lincoln addressed them to the crowd:
“Question 1: Has there been any agreement between Senator Douglas and Senator Jefferson Davis to acquire territory from Mexico, Cuba, Central America, or any other country for the purpose of bringing said territories into the United States as Slave States?
“Question 2: If there has been such an agreement does it involve war as an action to force said foreign territories to enter the Union as Slave States without the consent of the people who now inhabit them?
“Question 3: Have Senators Douglas and Davis agreed to direct their efforts toward definitively closing to slavery any territories now owned by the United States or that may be acquired in the future?
“Question 4: If Senators Douglas and Davis have entered into such an agreement to close said territories to slavery how does Senator Douglas reconcile this closure to the Supreme Court’s ruling in the Dred Scott Decision?”
As he had feared, Lincoln had wasted no time in raising the points Douglas was most vulnerable to. He wondered if someone had communicated the unwritten terms of his compact with Davis to Lincoln. Douglas had not discussed these terms with anybody other than Jefferson Davis but perhaps Davis had spoken of them to others who were loose-lipped. Or perhaps Lincoln had simply deduced that such terms were necessary to induce Davis and his Southern followers to unite themselves behind Douglas.
The questions were potentially damaging, but Douglas had learned from experience how to debate Lincoln. For one thing he knew better than to try to refute Lincoln by answering his questions directly. His best bet would be to obfuscate and deflect.
He did not want to let the Northern voters know that his compact with Davis was based on the military conquest of Mexico. Many Northerners who were predisposed to vote for him might decide otherwise if they became aware that he had already committed himself to a war to spread slavery over foreign soil. But Douglas’ sense of integrity, however malleable, forbade him from pretending that the discussion had never taken place. He decided that his best response would be to answer each question partially but not completely.
He took the podium and reread each question before answering it.
“First Question: I am asked if there has been any agreement between myself and Senator Jefferson Davis to acquire territory from Mexico, Cuba, Central America, or any other country for the purpose of bringing such territory into the United States as Slave States.
“Senator Davis and I have discussed the question of acquiring new territories for the United States. We are agreed that the national policy will be that the settlers of any territory now part of the United States or that shall henceforth be acquired that lies south of the Missouri Compromise Line of 36-30 shall have slavery if the inhabitants choose to have it. But under no circumstances will slavery be permitted to enter territories north of 36-30. That reaffirms the Missouri Compromise Line without bringing Mexico into the discussion.
“Second Question: I am asked if there has been any agreement between myself and Senator Davis that war will be used as a method of forcing foreign territories into the Union as Slave States without the consent of the people who now inhabit them.
“My answer is that the United States is a civilized nation that desires the acquisition of territory by the honorable means of purchase. That is how we desire to acquire territory. But if the avenue of peaceful acquisition is closed to us, then war may become necessary. I am counting on France to give us the excuse to acquire Mexico by military intervention. We will worry about what the people of Mexico think after we have the country in our possession.
“Third Question: I am asked if I and Senator Davis have agreed to work to definitively close any territories that may be acquired in the future to slavery.
“The answer is ‘Yes’ as I explained in my answer to the first interrogatory. Senator Davis and I are agreed that the national policy shall be not to extend slavery north of the line of 36 degrees and 30 minutes either to the Territories already owned by us or to those that will be acquired in the future.
“Fourth Question: I am asked to reconcile the agreement between myself and Senator Davis to close the territories north of 36-30 to the Supreme Court’s ruling in the Dred Scott Decision stating that all territories must be open to slavery.
“The reconciliation is this: The Supreme Court has ruled that slave owners may take their slave property into all our national territories. But the Court’s decision does not compel slave owners to emigrate to these territories with their slave property. We will anticipate that slave owners will not want to bring their slaves into the territories north of 36-30 because they will be provided with sufficient territories south of that line. We will thereby respect the Supreme Court’s decision that although slaves may be taken into all the territories, their owners will choose not to take them into those territories north of 36-30.” Wasn’t that a clever answer!
A few scattered cries of “That is fair!” showed that Douglas’ answers had been effective.
“And now, it is my turn to present interrogatories to Mr. Lincoln,” said Douglas. He reached into his coat pocket, pulled the written copies of the questions, handing one to Lincoln sitting behind him, then reading from his copy:
“First Question: Does Mr. Lincoln believe that any political party whose appeal is limited to a specific section of the country can successfully govern the entire country?
“Second Question: Does Mr. Lincoln believe that the ultimate status of the Negro is to be freedom in all states and territories of the Union?”
“Third Question: If Mr. Lincoln answers in the affirmative, does he believe that the Negro must ultimately be made a citizen in every state with equality of political, civil, and social rights, including the right to vote, to serve on juries, and to intermarry with the White race?
“Fourth Question: Does Mr. Lincoln believe that the Free States, acting through the Federal Government as their agent, have the authority to compel any state to change the status of its Negroes in regard to ending slavery or the granting of civil rights to free Negroes?”
The candidates switched places again as Lincoln took the podium to respond. Lincoln read from the paper that Douglas had given him.
“I am asked first if I believe that any political party whose appeal is limited to a specific section of the country will be able to successfully govern the entire country. Let me say that it is exceedingly desirable that parties should find adherents in all parts of the country. President Washington eloquently warned of the danger that political parties pose to the Union especially if organized along sectional lines.
“Neither I nor anyone that I am aware of in my party has any loyalty superior to the country. Judge Douglas should ask himself whether this is true of his own party! He should ask himself if there is not a faction of his party that devotes itself to promoting the interests of a particular section ahead of the interests of the nation as a whole, even to the point of threatening disunion. I refer of course to the faction of Judge Douglas’ party that declares that its peculiar interest of slavery must not only be protected where it exists but must be allowed to expand to its entire satisfaction; otherwise, it will go out of the Union and form itself into a separate nation. Does Judge Douglas himself not advocate for this faction of his party against the national interest?”
A voice from the crowd answered, “Yes, he certainly does!”
“Then it seems to me that Judge Douglas has the duty to eliminate the sectional interest in his own party before he complains about the sectional interests of other parties!”
“That he does!” shouted the same voice.
“I will answer now the questions concerning the ultimate fate of the Negro Race in America,” continued Lincoln. “I cannot help but comment that of the four questions allotted, Douglas is concerned in three of them with the status of Negroes. Does he believe that three-fourths of our national issues concern Negroes, even though they are but one-seventh of our population? How
can it be that a man who tells us on every occasion that the Negro is an inferior being of no account in the political life of our nation should so concern himself with the Negro’s fate? But you must be your own judge of Douglas’ motives in making the Negro the central issue of his campaign. I will limit myself to answering the questions as he has asked them:
“Douglas asks if I believe that the ultimate state of the Negro is to be freedom in all states and territories of the Union. The direct answer to that question is ‘Yes.’ I do believe that the ultimate status of the Negro will be freedom in all the states and territories. I expect that attitudes will change slowly over the course of many generations until freedom is perceived to be the natural condition of all men, as is so clearly stated in our Declaration of Independence.
“In the next question I am asked if, having answered in the affirmative that the Negro is ultimately destined for freedom, whether I believe that the Negro is also ultimately destined to become a citizen of every state with complete equality of political, civil, and social rights, including the right to vote, to serve on juries, and marry Whites.”
Lincoln chuckled. “My friends, I have had the honor of debating Judge Douglas on many occasions. I don’t recall a single occasion when he did not ask me this question of Negroes being permitted to marry Whites. His purpose of course is to insinuate that because I am opposed to the extension of slavery, that I must also desire that Negroes and Whites should marry. He knows that I have already answered several times previously that just because I do not want a Negro woman for a slave, it does not mean that I must have her for a wife. I can also just leave her alone. But Douglas must always insist on maintaining laws that forbid marriage between Whites and Negroes. He must fear that the men who follow him do desire Negro women for wives and must therefore depend upon the force of law to prevent it!”
The Republicans in the crowd, and even a few Democrats, laughed.
“In regard to the question of social equality I will leave it to each person to choose to associate with whom he pleases. Those who do not prefer the company of Negroes do not have to associate with them. Now, as to the other elements of Judge Douglas’ question, as to whether Negroes should be allowed to vote, to serve on juries, and so forth, that is a question for each State to decide, as they already do. Judge Douglas himself points out that most of the New England States allow their Negroes to vote. In New York Negroes may vote provided that they own a minimum of $250 in property. They do not vote in other states. Each state regulates the Negro as it chooses. There is no controversy on this point.
“The defenders of slavery attempt to justify the institution by saying that they do not believe the Negro to be capable by intellect or disposition to enjoy any degree of freedom. I will not for the moment quibble as to whether the Negro is entitled to full equality of political and civil rights. But I do know that the Negro is entitled to certain God-given rights. In particular he is entitled to eat with his own mouth the bread that the labor of his own hands produces!”
Shouts of, “Yes, that is just!”
“In the final question I am asked if I believe that the Free States, acting through their agent of the Federal Government, may coerce or compel any state to change the status of its Negros, against the wishes of its people. The answer is that the Constitution makes clear, according to every reasonable interpretation, that the Federal Government may not interfere with the condition of Negro servitude in any state. Each state is to be the sole and absolute authority over the status of its Negroes, deciding whether the Negroes will be slave or free, and if free whether they will be granted civil rights on a basis of partial or full equality with Whites.”
Douglas and Lincoln again exchanged places so that Douglas could deliver his closing statement. Douglas addressed the crowd, “I have known Mr. Lincoln for more than twenty years. I do not believe that he would ever purposefully do anything to endanger the integrity of this Confederate Union. However, there are many who would use Mr. Lincoln as their sword to tear apart this great confederation by provoking a war between the North and the South.
“All one has to do is read the public statements of Fred Douglass, Wendell Phillips, Owen Lovejoy, and Bill Garrison to understand that they want to eliminate slavery immediately by any means, including making war upon our white brothers in the South. No one can deny that John Brown had this intent when he attempted to incite the slaves into bloody revolt against their masters. No one can deny that other villains of like intent would take encouragement from Mr. Lincoln’s election. With encouragement they would spring to action. The South would with reason fear that such attacks were imminent and would take the necessary remedies to protect itself. No matter what Mr. Lincoln might or might not decide to do personally, his election would threaten the existence of this Confederate Union.
“Whereas Mr. Lincoln’s election can only threaten the Confederate Union, the Compact between myself and Senator Davis is designed specifically to save it, not only in the present time, but for all time to come. The Free States and the Slave States will each have their opportunities to expand within our common country. Confederate Union, United Expansion!”
Douglas sat down. Lincoln rose to make his closing statement:
“Judge Douglas professes to hold a most curious view of me. He professes to believe that should the people choose to elect me as their Chief Executive, that I would sit idle in the White House while the devils that Douglas conjures up from the depths of his fertile imagination set out to make war on the South. He wants you to believe that perhaps I would even encourage such a war.”
A voice from the crowd: “You would not do that!”
“Judge Douglas should remind himself that the war between slave owners and Free Soil men began in Kansas as a proximate result of his revoking the original Missouri Compromise, replacing it with his so-called doctrine of Popular Sovereignty allowing slavery to go wherever the slave owners please. Now he tells us that Popular Sovereignty was a grievous error. He promises to replace this grievous error with his compact with Jefferson Davis, the secret terms of which are known only to himself and Davis. Ask yourselves why he has proclaimed this Great Compact to be the salvation of the Union, yet he does not desire that the public should know its substance?
“I have made no secret compacts with anyone. My views have always been open and well known to the public. I have never had to recant them. My actions as President will not be mysterious. They will be no different from those of any previous President from the time of the Founders. We know from their speeches and writings that presidents Washington, Adams, Jefferson, and Madison wished for an end to slavery. Yet none used the office of President directly or indirectly to affect the status of a single slave. Even if I did desire to use the office of President to disturb the institution of slavery, the Congress, which will in all probability retain its present majority, would not allow it. I will have neither the inclination nor the authority to interfere with the status of a single slave in any state.
“Now, it is true that as a matter of personal preference I do not favor slavery. I do not like bickering about whether this one man should be the other’s slave because the one man is presumed to be darker or less intelligent than the other. My faith is the Founders’ faith that all men are created equal. That is the true founding principle of our country. However, we must govern according to the laws and customs as they are today and trust that they will become more enlightened in later generations. I will govern according to the laws and customs of my time, not those of a future time when I do sincerely hope that all men shall be free.
“But neither will I bargain away our future as a free nation by allowing slavery to spread to territories where it does not now exist. I will keep the faith with those of the present generation who own slaves, while also keeping faith with future generations by governing on the principle of our Founders that slavery should one day disappear from this land. When it does disappear it will be done by the will of the people in the s
tates where the institution now resides.
“I can not know the secret details of the Douglas/Davis Compact, which Judge Douglas takes so much pain to conceal from the public. You the voters can not know the secrets either. My intentions are honest, unchanging, and open for all to see. I will trust to the people to give it a fair hearing.”
The debate was finished. Douglas and Lincoln clasped each other in a genuine display of respect and affection.
“Be well, my friend,” said Douglas.
“And you also,” answered Lincoln. “Let us both remember that one of us will have to govern the country after the election. Let us take care to say nothing now that will complicate the task.”
Douglas smiled and tapped Lincoln on the back, walking off the podium with confidence. He had to admit that Lincoln’s closing statement had bested his. On the other hand he felt that he had bested Lincoln with the Interrogatories. At this moment perhaps the debate would be seen as a tie. But tomorrow his campaign would be bringing Andrew Johnson, John Bell, and Blackjack Logan into town. They would put forth the idea that Douglas had won the debate. Most likely they would convince the press that this was so and the press would convince most of the voters. Douglas would come to be seen as the winner. He smiled to himself. His Democrats were much the Republicans’ masters at molding public opinion.
If we can keep this up for six more weeks we will save the country.