by Janet Browne
15. Correspondence 7:107.
16. Suggested in Brackman 1980.
17. McKinney 1972, pp. 153–55, states that Darwin received Wallace’s essay some two weeks earlier, possibly on 3 June 1858. Brackman 1980 and Brooks 1984 agree. The latter propose that Darwin took important ideas from Wallace during the interval. The proposal has been contested in Kohn 1981 and Beddall 1988a. See also Browne 1980, Kohn 1985b, and Introduction, Correspondence 7, pp. xvii–xviii.
18. Gentlemanly codes of honour are summarised in Morgan 1994, St. George 1993, Curtin 1987, and Collini 1991, and in the context of science, especially Nye 1997, Barnes and Shapin 1979, and Rudwick 1985.
19. See, for example, Söderqvist 1996, in which science and the ethical life is discussed.
20. Correspondence 7:137.
21. Correspondence 7:107.
22. Autobiography, p. 124.
23. See especially McKinney 1972 and Kottler 1985.
24. R. W. Burkhardt 1977, Jordanova 1984, and Corsi 1988b. Evolutionary politics are discussed in A. Desmond 1989.
25. Spencer 1852 and 1857, developed more thoroughly in Spencer 1862 and Buckle 1857–61. Vestiges (Chambers 1844) is discussed in Yeo 1984 and J. Secord 2000.
26. Exemplary sources are Chadwick 1975, Hilton 1988, and Brooke 1991.
27. Corsi 1988a.
28. Nineteenth-century progressionist thought is examined in Eisley 1961, Greene 1996, and Bowler 1976 and 1989b, and the essays in Moore 1989. For phrenology see Cooter 1984; for spontaneous generation see Farley 1977. Scientific secularisation is dealt with in F. M. Turner 1974 and Lightman 1987. Secularisation in general is in Chadwick 1975, Herrick 1985, and Helmstadter and Lightman 1990.
29. For Grant see Jesperson 1948–49, A. Desmond 1984 and 1989; for Blyth see Geldart 1879, Eisley 1959 and 1979.
30. C. Lyell 1830–33. Discussed in the introduction to the fascimile edition by M. J. S. Rudwick, vol. 1, pp. xxix–xxxv, and in J. Secord 1997, pp. xxiii–xl.
31. Anonymous tract, A Brief and Complete Refutation of the Anti-Scriptural Theory of Geologists, by a Clergyman of the Church of England (London, 1853); and James Alexander Smith [J.A.S.], Atheisms of Geology: Sir Charles Lyell, Hugh Miller etc. Confronted with the Rocks (London, 1857). See also Miller 1857. The issue is discussed generally by Brooke 1979 and 1991, Gillespie 1979, and Moore 1986.
32. Cannon 1978 gives the classic account. For science in general see especially Yeo 1985 and 1993. For natural history see Allen 1978. A. Secord 1994 provides an important social perspective.
33. Quoted in Marchant 1916, vol. 2, pp. 227–28.
34. “A Visit to Dr. Alfred Russel Wallace,” Christian Commonwealth, 10 December 1903, pp. 176–77. Another interview is in Rockell 1912.
35. Most of Wallace’s reminiscences are in Wallace 1905, with other letters and reminiscences in Marchant 1916. Accessible biographies are George 1964, McKinney 1972, Fichman 1981, and Raby 2001.
36. Moore 1997.
37. Wallace 1905, vol. 1, p. 87. These points are discussed in R. Smith 1972 and Kottler 1974. Oppenheim 1985 gives a general account of Victorian spiritualism and Winter 1998 discusses mesmerism.
38. Cardwell 1972 and Barnes and Shapin 1977. On Robert Owen’s doctrines see Harrison 1969.
39. Wallace 1905, vol. 1, pp. 88–89.
40. Wallace’s scientific reading is described in Beddall 1968 and McKinney 1969. For his appreciation of Darwin’s Journal of Researches, 1839, see Wallace 1905, vol. 1, p. 256.
41. A memoir of Bates is in Clodd 1892. See also Bates 1863 and Moon 1976. Of the three public libraries then existing in Leicester, the subscription prices, other than that of the Mechanics’ Institute (now the Central Library), were probably too high for Wallace to have joined. The Mechanics’ Institute library opened in 1835, four years after the institute. Its book collection was absorbed into the Free Library in 1870. I am very grateful to Bill Brock and Mr. C. Hodgson for this information. See also Patterson 1954, pp. 238–39.
42. Marchant 1916, vol. 1, pp. 24–28. Beddall 1969, Moon 1976, and especially Camerini 1996 discuss their collecting endeavours.
43. Wallace’s reminiscences are in Wallace 1898, p. 137, Wallace 1905, vol. 1, pp. 254–55, 257, and McKinney 1969.
44. Stevens’s obituary, The Entomologist (1899) 32:264. For the market economy of natural history specimens see Camerini 1997 and Larsen 1996.
45. For Wallace as a collector see George 1979 and Camerini 1996. Wallace estimated the value of his specimens in Wallace 1905, vol. 2, p. 377. The profit from Bates’s collections was £800; see Clodd 1892, p. lxiv.
46. Wallace 1853 and more generally Stepan 2001, especially pp. 57–84.
47. DAR 205.3:156–57; Correspondence 5:182.
48. St. John 1994, p. 274. See also Baring Gould 1909.
49. Wallace 1905, vol. 1, p. 344. Wallace’s remarks were written up for publication in Chambers’ Journal (1856) 5:325–27 and Annals and Magazine of Natural History (1856) 17:386–90.
50. Wallace 1855. Correspondence 5:519, 521n1, 6:91n10.
51. Correspondence 6:514–15.
52. Camerini 1994.
53. Wallace 1905, vol. 1, pp. 361–62.
54. Eventually published as the second part of Darwin and Wallace 1858. McKinney 1966 and 1972 show that Wallace was not entirely accurate in signing the essay “Ternate” since it was principally written on the island Gilolo. Furthermore if Wallace meant that it was completed and posted from Ternate, as seems reasonable, he was inaccurate in dating it February. McKinney’s research indicates that the essay was principally written during February and completed in March. See also Brooks 1984.
55. Linnean Society 1908, pp. 5–11.
56. Moore 1997. For the Malthusian context see R. Young 1985, James 1979, and Dolan 2000. See Browne 1983 and 1992 for biogeographical considerations.
57. C. Darwin 1845, pp. 166–67, 365.
58. Correspondence 7:116. Hardy 1993 examines epidemic disease.
59. Other cases involving Lyell in priority issues are given in Silliman 1995 and Bynum 1984, the latter contested by Wilson 1996. A classic study of scientific priority is in Merton 1973.
60. Correspondence 7:118, 279.
61. Linnean Society 1908, p. 77. On the Linnean Society, see Gage and Stearn 1988.
62. Hardy 1993, p. 56. It is possible that Henrietta inadvertently infected Charles Waring Darwin, since people with streptococcal sore throats can harbour the causative agent for scarlet fever (a haemolytic streptococcus).
63. Correspondence 7:121. Darwin’s memorial is in DAR 210.13, transcribed in Appendix V, Correspondence 7:521.
64. Emma Darwin 2:162. The baby may have been slightly affected by mercury poisoning, which can lead to developmental disorders and speech delays. Mercury was a common component of Victorian medicines.
65. Jalland 1996.
66. Correspondence 7:121.
67. Correspondence 7:121–22.
68. D. Porter 1993 and Dupree 1988.
69. Correspondence 6:445–50.
70. The draft is in DAR 6, transcribed in Appendix III, Correspondence 7:507–11.
71. Mayr 1991. See also Browne 1980.
72. Origin 112.
73. Linnean Society 1908, p. 90, and Correspondence 7:123–24.
74. Correspondence 7:127, 129.
75. Linnean Society 1908, p. 83. Attendance lists, although recorded by the secretary, were for various reasons often incomplete. It is possible several other fellows and guests were present. I thank Gina Douglas, Linnean Society, for this information. Samuel Stevens was the only Stevens to be a fellow at that time, elected 3 December 1850. See also Moody 1971.
76. Hooker’s reminiscences are in Linnean Society 1908, pp. 12–16, and differ in several details from the letters transcribed in Correspondence 7:117–24. See also Life and Letters 2:125–26.
77. George Bentham to Francis Darwin, 30 May 1882, DAR 140.
78. Bell 1859.
79. Bell 1859, p
p. xiii–iv.
80. Moody 1971.
CHAPTER 2: “MY ABOMINABLE VOLUME”
1. Correspondence 7:128.
2. Neither letter has survived to the present day.
3. Not received until October 1858, Wallace 1905, vol. 1, p. 363. For the ownership of scientific theories see Merton 1973, Becher 1989.
4. Correspondence 7:166. These absent letters have led Brooks 1984 and Brackman 1980 to propose some sleight of hand.
5. Correspondence 9:373.
6. See Emma Darwin 2:210.
7. Jalland 1996, which includes an account of Darwin’s attitude to the death of close family members. Bowlby 1990, pp. 457–66, discusses the impact of the death of Darwin’s mother.
8. Correspondence 7:127, 130.
9. Correspondence 7:165.
10. Published 20 August 1858. Darwin probably received his copies in early October; see Correspondence 7:168.
11. Cohen 1985 and England 1997. See also D. Porter 1993.
12. R. Owen 1858, pp. lxxv, lxxxv, xc–xcii.
13. Sloan 1992. For a general account of Owen see Rupke 1994.
14. Watson 1847–60, vol. 4, pp. 524–25. Watson explained his progressionist views in Watson 1845.
15. See Correspondence 7:292. Haughton’s remarks were reported in Journal of the Geological Society of Dublin 8 (1857–60):152. They were not repeated in Haughton 1860.
16. Wollaston 1921, pp. 118, 112, and also quoted in Cohen 1985.
17. Hooker to Gray, 21 October 1858, quoted from D. Porter 1993, pp. 32–33.
18. Correspondence 7:130, and Hooker 1859. D. Porter 1993 gives the background.
19. Gray 1859.
20. Dupree 1988, p. 259.
21. L. Agassiz 1859. See especially Windsor 1979 and Lurie 1960.
22. Bunbury 1891–93, Middle Life 3, p. 105.
23. Bunbury 1891–93, Middle Life 3, pp. 194–95.
24. L. Huxley 1900, vol. 1, p. 159.
25. Correspondence 7:198.
26. Correspondence 7:240.
27. Correspondence 7:301.
28. Burrow 1968, introduction, pp. 41–42.
29. Life and Letters 1:155.
30. Explored in Hyman 1962, Beer 1983 and 1985, Bulhof 1992, and Flint 1995. See also Cannon 1968, Kohn 1996, the essays in Knoepflmacher and Tennyson 1977, and Dear 1991. The modern form of scientific text that emerged during the nineteenth century is discussed in Myers 1990.
31. Origin 459.
32. Darwin’s debt to nineteenth-century philosophy has generated a number of important studies, for example, Ellegard 1957, Ghiselin 1969, Hull 1974, and Ruse 1975.
33. More Letters 1:195. On making knowledge see Golinski 1998.
34. T. Porter 1986 and 1995, Gigerenzer 1989, and Kruger, Daston, and Heidelberger 1987.
35. From an abundant literature, see Hacking 1975, Gooding, Pinch and Schaffer 1989, and Pickering 1992.
36. Discussed in Yeo 1985 and Poovey 1998. A general account of the rise of facticity in the Victorian period is Cannon 1978, pp. 73–110.
37. Hodge 1977. On invitations to believe, and on trust in science, see Shapin 1994.
38. Origin 31. Darwin’s analogy between artificial and natural selection is discussed in Ruse 1975, Evans 1984, Cornell 1984, R. Young 1985, Weingart 1995.
39. Correspondence 7:274, 277.
40. R. Young 1985, also Maasen 1995 and Bowler 1995.
41. Origin 75.
42. Origin 63. See also Schwartz 1974.
43. Origin 84.
44. Notebooks, E 48.
45. Correspondence 7:265.
46. Beer 1986, Shapin and Barnes 1979.
47. Bowler 1974, Amigoni and Wallace 1995.
48. Spencer 1864, ch. 12, sec. 165. See also Peel 1971, Haines 1991, and Weingart 1995.
49. Origin 171, 188.
50. Natural selection 250.
51. Hodge 1977 compares Darwin’s writings over the decade. For mankind see Herbert 1974–77 and H. Gruber 1974.
52. Bajema 1988 and Cook 1990.
53. From a wide literature on the origins and metaphorical nature of Darwin’s principle of divergence, see Schweber 1980, Browne 1980, Kohn 1981 and 1985b, Limoges 1971 and 1994, Tammone 1995. Tree metaphors are discussed in H. Gruber 1987.
54. Correspondence 6:236. On Chambers generally, see Yeo 1984 and J. Secord 2000. For Darwin’s reaction to Chambers, see Browne 1995, pp. 457–69.
55. Origin 484, 485–86.
56. Origin 490.
57. Correspondence 7:238. Darwin at Malvern is discussed in Browne 1990. The history of hydropathy is most conveniently found in Metcalfe 1906 and E. S. Turner 1967.
58. Pevsner and Nairn 1962. The house was previously called Compton Hall. See Post Office Directory of the Six Counties, Surrey, 1859, p. 1222. William Temple named it after the other Moor Park in Hertfordshire because Temple so admired the gardens. The house contained some excellent plasterwork, especially in the central stairwell.
59. Henrietta Darwin, DAR 246.
60. Correspondence 7:416.
61. Lane 1857.
62. Correspondence 7:385.
63. DAR 140(3):75–76.
64. Lane 1882.
65. Correspondence 7:81.
66. Origin 220.
67. Correspondence 6:178.
68. Autobiography, p. 93. On Darwin’s theism see Brown 1986, Colp 1987, Kohn 1989, and Moore 1989.
69. Rowell 1974, McDannell and Lang 1988, Berman 1988, and Wheeler 1990. Some discussions of the wives of noted sceptics are in Rose 1983, Healey 1986, and Jalland 1996.
70. Correspondence 7:84.
71. DAR 140(3):31.
72. Greist 1970, p. 5, and Finkelstein 1993. Betham-Edwards 1919, pp. 150–55, gives a character sketch of Mudie. Darwin’s subscription rate is taken from an entry in his Classed Account Books, Down House Archives, 13 May 1875.
73. Sutherland 1976, 156. Developments in nineteenth-century publishing are surveyed in Altick 1957, Feather 1988, and Chartier 1995, readerships in Cipolla 1969 and Eco 1979.
74. Darwin recorded these titles in his Reading Notebooks, DAR 119, 128 (transcribed and identified in Correspondence 4:434–573), but stopped around 1860. On his reading in general see Beer 1985. His library is catalogued in Rutherford 1908.
75. Life and Letters 1:124–25.
76. DAR 140(3):44.
77. Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980, pp. 260–61.
78. Mulock 1864.
79. On hysteria see Bynum 1985, Oppenheim 1991, Gilman et al. 1993, and Micale 1995.
80. Horstman 1985, pp. 94–95, citing Law Reports.
81. Life and Letters 1:141–42.
82. Correspondence 7:249.
83. Origin 221.
84. DAR 112(B):48.
85. Murray 1919 and Paston 1932.
86. Shortland and Yeo 1996, introduction, p. 23.
87. Haynes 1916, p. 233, and Paston 1932, p. 174.
88. Elwin 1902, vol. 1, p. 352.
89. Elwin to John Murray, 3 May 1859, John Murray Archives, London. I am grateful to John Murray for allowing me access to the archives. Also printed in Correspondence 7:288–90. The quote comes from p. 289.
90. Autobiography, p. 137.
91. DAR 219.1:33.
92. Correspondence 7:303.
93. Correspondence 7:296.
94. L. Huxley 1918, vol. 1, p. 496.
95. Huxley Papers, Imperial College Archives, 16 April 1859. Dawson 1946, p. 72.
96. DAR 219.1:26.
97. DAR 210.6, reprinted in Correspondence 7:264.
98. Correspondence 9:29.
99. Life and Letters 2:140. See also Correspondence 7:196–97.
100. Entomologist’s Weekly Intelligencer 6 (1859):99. Reprinted in Correspondence 7:310.
101. Lyell to Huxley 17 June 1859, Imperial College Archives, Huxley Papers 6:20, partly reprinted in Wilson 1970, 262, 314nn77, 78. Lyell used the expression again in 1863, this time to Darwin; see Correspondence 11:231.
&nb
sp; 102. Longford 1964, 286. Lyell’s address is in C. Lyell 1859.
103. Athenaeum, 24 September 1859, 404. On the Athenaeum’s place in Victorian publishing see Marchand 1971.
104. Correspondence 7:337.
105. Yeo 1985 and 1993 discuss the iconic status of Whewell and Bacon in the nineteenth century.
106. Correspondence 7:324, 328.
107. Correspondence 7:331.
CHAPTER 3: PUBLISH AND BE DAMNED
1. Correspondence 7:222. For the Origin’s publishing history see Freeman 1977 and Peckham 1959, especially pp. 775–85, which includes transcripts of Murray’s accounts. The Publisher’s Circular, 1 December 1859, p. 603, announced the price and that the book was released during the previous two-week period.
2. Correspondence 7:365, 366. Darwin’s copy arrived in Ilkley on 3 November 1859.
3. The rhetoric of correspondence is touched on in Chartier et al. 1997 and Chartier 1995. Chase and Levenson 2000 discusses the interplay between private and public, a contrast to Huxley’s rhetoric as described in Jensen 1989 and A. Desmond 1997. Some of the contemporary impact of letters as a form of communication can be seen in the rise of the epistolary novel, as in Kauffman 1992 and Earle 1999.
4. Richard Freeman saw a personally inscribed copy of the second edition (published January 1860) at Sotheby’s London; see Freeman 1977, p. 78. Darwin’s lists of presentation copies of his works are in DAR 210.18. His list for the first edition is transcribed in Appendix III, Correspondence 8:554–70.
5. Correspondence 7:369.
6. Contemporary elite networks and “core-sets” in science are discussed in Collins 1981, Rudwick 1985, and Morrell and Thackray 1981. See also Haskell 1984 and Brake et al. 1990. More generally see L. Stone and Stone 1986.
7. Correspondence 8:315.
8. DAR 210.18, Correspondence 8:554–70.
9. I thank Frank James for this information. John Murray Archive, London, Faraday to Murray, 2 December 1859.
10. Athenaeum, 19 November 1859, pp. 653, 660.
11. Correspondence 7:387.
12. Murray 1909, p. 540.
13. It is not possible to be completely precise. Peckham 1959, p. 775, gives figures from Murray’s ledgers as follows: 1,250 printed, minus 5 for registration at Stationers’ Hall, 12 free copies to the author, 41 presented as reviews, leaving a total of 1,192 for sale. Freeman 1977 follows these figures. Neither had access to the list that Darwin prepared showing the 80 or so copies also purchased by him at a reduced rate for presentation. Subtracting this list (93 inclusive of Darwin’s free ones), the Stationers’ Hall copies, and the review copies leaves a probable total of 1,111 available for sale to the trade.