Pompiliu Eliade comprehensively analyzed the presence of French princely
secretaries such as Jean Louis Carra and the Count D’Hauterive, the arrival
of French tutors, governesses, and domestic staff, the opening of foreign
consulates in Bucharest and Iaşi (Russian in 1782, Austrian in 1783, Prussian
in 1785, French in 1796, English in 1801), the impact of the French Revolution,
and the circulation of imported books and periodicals as so many signs that
Romanian society was opening up to western (i.e. French) influence, as it
gradually emerged from the Ottoman sphere of influence. Eliade showed that
many of the Greek-Phanariot princes and their entourage were highly educated
individuals who patronized the arts and contributed to the introduction of
potentially subversive western values into the Romanian Principalities. For a
more recent survey of French influence in this period, see Berindei 1991.
35. MacMichael 1819: 82–83.
36. Ibid.,
118. The reconstruction of public spaces, assembly and entertainment
venues for this period is highly elusive, and it was impossible to find more
information on the Bucharest “Club.”
37. Cf. Forrest 1991: 91–99, note 1.
38. Quataert 1997: 403–25.
39. Faroqhi 2004: 41, and Zilfi 2004: 125–41.
40. [Reinhard] 1901: 201.
41. Safta
Ipsilanti’s portrait was unavailable for reproduction in the present
volume, but this portrait of an anonymous lady attributed to the same artist
bears a close resemblance to it.
42. Russo 1934: 12.
43. Ia vedeţi, fraţilor, cîtă răutate s-au înmulţit la neamul nostru, pentru
fărădelegile no[a]stre. Că mai întîi, după cum înapoi am arătat, se cutremură
pămîntul de căzură sfintele biserici şi hanurile şi casele. Al doilea, arse focul
tîrgul mai de tot. Noi tot n-am băgat de seamă. Încă ne-am pus împotrivă
cu Dumnezeu. Că întîi era casele învălite cu lemn, pă urmă le-am învălit
cu her.. Apoi foametea gro[a]znecă. Şi tot n-am băgat de seamă. Apururea
cu frica în sîn, puţin de nu ne-au robit păgînii. Apoi, ce să vezi? Muerile cu
capetele goale şi tunse, dezgolite pînă la brîu. Oamenii îşi lepădaseră portul
şi-şi luoase portu strein, ca pagînii, unii nemţeşte, alţii sfranţozeşte, alţii în
alte chipuri, cu părul tuns, cu zulufi ca muerile. Apoi ne amestecam cu ei şi
cei mai procopsiţi le învăţa cărţile lor, unii sfranţozeşte, alţii nemţeşte, alţii
talieneşte. Şi intra învăţătura lui Volter, acela urîtul lui Dumnezeu, pre carele
îl avea, păgînii, ca pre un Dumnezeu. Şi sfintele posturi nu le mai băgam în
226
Women in the ottoman Balkans
seamă. Totdeauna cărnuri la mese. La biserică mergeam ca la o priveală,
care şi mai care cu haine mai bune, muerile cu felurimi de podoabe drăceşti;
iar nu să intrăm în biserică cu frica lui Dumnezeu, să ne rugăm pentru păcate.
Mai în scurt, mîndriia aşăzase scaunu în Bucureşti. Nu credeam în Dumnezeu,
numai în ziduri, în haine, în înşălătorii, în mîncări bune, în beţii şi mai vîrtos
curviia de faţă. (From Corfus 1966, entry for 1813–4, my translation.)
44. Corfus 1966: 373–74.
45. Massof
f 1961: 1: 516, note 1.
46. Ibid.
47. P
. Eliade quoted in Massoff 1961: 1: 374.
48. For
the view of East Europe as “invented” by Enlightenment philosophes, see
Wolff 1994.
49. Niţu 1998: 7.
50. Hauterive 1902: 360.
51. See
Stan 1998. For debates around the nature and extent of the Ottoman
monopoly on Romanian trade, see Murgescu 1997: 573–90.
52. The
family name “Hagi,” Romanianized form of the Turkish Hacı—meaning
a person who has made the pilgrimage to the Holy land—may have initially
implied that an ancestor or family patriarch had actually made the pilgrimage.
That such a person would have been a member of the merchant class is not
surprising, given that merchants travelled more freely than others at the time.
It remains a fairly common family name in Romania to this day.
53. For
a study of the Hagi Pop House and collections of its documents, see
Furnică 1908 and Iorga 1904.
54. For
entrepreneurs as “the shock troops of early European industrialisation,”
see Gildea 1996: 21.
55. All excerpts from Dumitrana Ştirbei’
s letters are from Iorga 1904.
56. For details of this trip of 1796, see Ior
ga 1907: 215–231.
57. Document dated 16 July 1773, in Carataşu 1975: 59–61.
58. Carataşu
1975: 11–12. Other items include, inter alia, Strabo’s Geography
in a bilingual Greek-Latin edition, the Commentaries of Teofil Coridaleu to
Aristotle’s Logic (Venice, 1725), the Great Thesaurus by Varinus (printed in
Venice, 1712, with financial support from the Romanian Prince of Wallachia
Constantin Brâncoveanu), the writings of the Fathers of the Eastern Church,
works of grammar and rhetoric, Plutarch, Xenophon, Cornelius Nepos,
Aristotle, as well as more obscure items such as Hermione or the Premature
Betrothed of Hades, published in Pest. Annexed to the catalogue is a list of
French acquisitions, apparently purchased later by Ienăchiţă’s son, the poet
Nicolae Văcărescu. They include titles such as: Tableau de l’Amour conjugal,
Le Docteur de Cythère, Etrennes véridiques, Grammaire des fleurs, and
Chansonnier français. As a whole, the catalogue is testimony to a great boyar
family’s many interests, although its range must have been exceptional at the
time, and must have reflected the unusual intellectual abilities of one particular
Jianu, Women, Fashion, and europeanization
227
dynasty. Research into reading, printing, and taste in this period is, as much
else, sorely needed.
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8
The Role of Women in
Southeast European Vampire Belief
Peter Mario Kreuter
The overwhelming success of Bram Stoker’s novel Dracula (1897) implanted the
stereotype of the male vampire into the collective imagination. This male motif
obscured our view of the famous female vampire characters of the nineteenth
Women in the Ottoman Balkans: Gender, Culture and History Page 42