by Tom Clancy
“OKAY, ARNIE, WHAT’S going on?” Ryan asked. It was just as well that Cathy didn’t have any procedures scheduled for today. She had seethed all night and was not in a proper mental state to do her normal work. He wasn’t feeling much better, but there was neither justice nor much point in snapping at his chief of staff.
“Well, for damned sure there’s a leak at CIA, or maybe in the Hill, somebody who knows about some of the things you did.”
“Colombia, the only people who know are Fellows and Trent. And they also know that Murray wasn’t there not exactly, anyway. The rest of that operation is locked up tight.”
“What actually happened?” And need-to-know applied to Arnie now. The President gestured and spoke as one explaining something to a parent:
“There were two operations, SHOWBOAT and RECIPROCITY. One of them involved putting troops into Colombia, the idea was to bird-dog drug flights. Those flights were then splashed—”
“What?”
“Shot down, by the Air Force—well, some were intercepted, the crews arrested and processed quietly. Some other things happened, and then Emil Jacobs got killed, and RECIPROCITY got laid on. We started dropping bombs on places. Things got a little out of hand. Some civilians got killed, and it all started coming apart.”
“How much did you know?” van Damm asked.
“I didn’t know jack shit until late in the game. Jim Greer was dying then, and I was handling his work, but that was mostly NATO stuff. I was cut out of it until after the bombs started falling-I was in Belgium when that happened. I saw it on TV, would you believe? Cutter was actually running the operation. He suckered Judge Moore and Bob Ritter into starting it, and then he tried to close it down. That’s when things got crazy. Cutter tried to cut off the soldiers—the idea was that they’d just disappear. I found out. I got into Ritter’s personal records vault. So I went down into Colombia with the rescue crew, and we got most of them out. It wasn’t much fun,” Ryan reported. “There was some shooting involved, and I worked one of the guns on the chopper. A crewman, a sergeant named Buck Zimmer, got killed on the last extraction, and I’ve been looking after his family ever since. Liz Elliot got a hold of that and tried to use it against me a while later.”
“There’s more to it,” Arnie said quietly.
“Oh, yeah. I had to report the operations to the Select Committee, but I didn’t want to rip the government apart. So I talked it over with Trent and Fellows, and I came in to see the President. We talked for a while, and then I stepped out of the room, and Sam and Al talked with him for a while. I’m not exactly sure what they agreed on, but—”
“But he threw the election. He dumped his campaign manager and his campaign was for crap the whole way. Christ, Jack, what did you do?” Arnie demanded. His face was pale now, but for political reasons. And all along van Damm had figured that he’d run a brilliant and successful campaign for Bob Fowler, unseating a popular sitting President. And so, a fix had been in? And he’d never found out?
Ryan closed his eyes. He’d just forced himself to relive a dreadful night. “I terminated an operation that was technically legal, but teetering right on the edge. I closed it down quietly. The Colombians never found out. I thought I prevented another Watergate, domestically—and a god-awful international incident. Sam and Al signed off on it, the records are sealed until long after we’re all dead. Whoever leaked that must have picked up on a couple of rumors and made a few good guesses. What did I do? I think I obeyed the law as best I could—no, Arnie, I did not break the law. I followed the rules. It wasn’t easy, but I did.” The eyes opened. “So, Arnie, how will that play in Peoria?”
“Why couldn’t you have just reported to Congress and—”
“Think back,” the President said. “It wasn’t just the one thing, okay? That’s when Eastern Europe was coming unglued, the Soviet Union was still there but teetering, some really big things were happening, and if our government had come apart, right then, with everything else happening, hell, it could have been a mess like nobody’s ever seen. America couldn’t—we would not have been able to help settle Europe down if we’d been pissing around with a domestic scandal. And I was the guy who had to make the call and take the action, right now, or those soldiers would have been killed. Think about the box I was in, will you?
“Arnie, I couldn’t go to anybody for guidance on that one, okay? Admiral Greer was dead. Moore and Ritter were compromised. The President was up to his eyeballs in it; at the time I thought he was running the show through Cutter--he wasn’t; he got finessed into it by that incompetent political bastard. I didn’t know where to go, so I went to the FBI for help. I couldn’t trust anybody but Dan Murray and Bill Shaw, and one of our people at Langley on the operational side. Bill—did you know he was a J.D.?—worked me through the law part of it, and Murray helped with the recovery operation. They had an investigation started on Cutter. It was a code-word op, I think they called it ODYSSEY, and they were about to go to a U.S. magistrate for criminal conspiracy, but Cutter killed himself. There was an FBI agent fifty yards behind him when he jumped in front of the bus. You’ve met him, Pat O’Day. Nobody ever broke the law except for Cutter. The operations themselves were within the Constitution—at least that’s what Shaw said.”
“But politically ... ”
“Yeah, even I’m not that ignorant. So here I am, Arnie. I didn’t break the law. I served my country’s interests as best I could under the circumstances, and look what good it’s done me.”
“Damn. How is it that Bob Fowler never was told?”
“That was Sam and Al. They thought it would have poisoned Fowler’s presidency. Besides, I don’t really know what the two of them said to the President, do I? I never wanted to know, I never found out, and all I have is speculation—pretty good speculation,” Ryan admitted, “but that’s all.”
“Jack, it’s not often I don’t know what to say.”
“Say it anyway,” the President ordered.
“It’s going to get out. The media has enough now to put some pieces together, and that will force Congress to launch an investigation. What about the other stuff?”
“It’s all true,” Ryan said. “Yeah, we got our hands on Red October, yeah, I got Gerasimov out myself. My idea, my operation, nearly got my ass killed, but there you go. If we hadn’t, then Gerasimov was poised to launch his own coup to topple Andrey Narmonov and then there might still be a Warsaw Pact, and the bad old days might never have gone away. So we compromised the bastard, and he didn’t have any choices but to get on the airplane. He’s still pissed despite all we did to get him set up over here, but I understand his wife and daughter like America just fine.”
“Did you kill anybody?” Arnie asked.
“In Moscow, no. In the sub—he was trying to self-destruct the submarine. He killed one of the ship’s officers and shot up two others pretty bad, but I punched his ticket myself—and I had nightmares about it for years.”
In another reality, van Damm thought, his President would be a hero. But reality and public politics had little in common. He noted that Ryan hadn’t recounted his story about Bob Fowler and the aborted nuclear launch. The chief of staff had been around for that one, and he knew that three days later, J. Robert Fowler had come nearly apart at the realization at how he’d been saved from mass murder on a Hitlerian scale. There was a line in Hugo’s Les Misérables that had struck the older man when he’d first read the book in high school: “What evil good can be.” Here was another case. Ryan had served his country bravely and well more than once, but not one of the things he’d done would survive public scrutiny. Intelligence, love of country, and courage merely added up to a series of events which anyone could twist out of recognition into scandal. And Ed Kealty knew how to do just that.
“How do we spin-control all this?” the President asked.
“What else do I need to know?”
“The files on Red October and Gerasimov are at Langley. The Colombian thing, well, you k
now what you need to know. I’m not sure even I have the legal right to unseal the records. On the other hand, you want to destabilize Russia? This will do it.”
RED OCTOBER, GOLOVKO thought, then he looked up at the high ceiling of his office. “Ivan Emmetovich, you clever bastard. Zvo tvoyu maht!”
The curse was spoken in quiet admiration. From the first moment he’d met Ryan, he’d underestimated him, and even with all the contacts, direct and indirect, that had followed, he had to admit, he’d never stopped doing it. So that was how he’d compromised Gerasimov! And in so doing, he’d saved Russia, perhaps—but a country was supposed to be saved from within, not without. Some secrets were supposed to be kept forever, because they protected everyone equally. This was such a secret. It would embarrass both countries now. For the Russians, it was the loss of a valuable national asset through high treason—worse still, something their intelligence organs had not discovered, which was quite incredible on reflection, but the cover stories had been good ones, and the loss of two hunter submarines in the same operation had made the affair something that the Soviet navy had every desire to forget—and so they hadn’t looked far beyond the cover story.
Sergey Nikolay’ch knew the second part better than the first. Ryan had forestalled a coup d’état. Golovko supposed that Ryan might as easily have told him what was happening and left it to the Soviet Union’s internal organs—but, no. Intelligence services turned everything to their advantage, and Ryan would have been mad not to have done so here. Gerasimov must have sung like a canary—he knew the Western aphorism—and given up everything he’d known; Ames, for one, had been identified that way, he was sure, and Ames had been a virtual diamond mine for KGB.
And you always told yourself that Ivan Emmetovich was a gifted amateur, Golovko thought.
But even his professional admiration was tempered. Russia might soon need help. How could she go for that help to someone who, it would now be known, had tampered with his country’s internal politics like a puppeteer? That realization was worth another oath, not spoken in admiration of anything.
PUBLIC WATERWAYS ARE free for the passage of all, and so the Navy couldn’t do anything more than prevent the charter boat from getting too close to the Eight-Ten Dock. Soon it was joined by another, then more still, until a total of eleven cameras were pointing at the covered graving dock, now empty with the demise of most of America’s missile submarines, and also empty of another which had briefly lived there, not American, or so the story went.
It was possible to access the Navy’s personnel records via computer, and some were doing that right now, checking for former crewmen of USS Dallas. An early-morning call to COMSUBPAC concerning his tenure as commanding officer of Dallas got no farther than his public affairs officer, who was well-schooled in no-commenting sensitive inquiries. Today he’d get more than his fair share. So would others.
“THIS IS RON Jones.”
“This is Tom Donner at NBC News.”
“That’s nice,” Jonesy said diffidently. “I watch CNN myself.”
“Well, maybe you want to watch our show tonight. I’d like to talk to you about—”
“I read the Times this morning. It’s delivered up here. No comment,” he added.
“But—”
“But, yes, I used to be a submariner, and they call us the Silent Service. Besides, that was a long time ago. I run my own business now. Married, kids, the whole nine yards, y’know?”
“You were lead sonar man aboard USS Dallas when—”
“Mr. Donner, I signed a secrecy agreement when I left the Navy. I don’t talk about the things we did, okay?” It was his first encounter with a reporter, and it was living up to everything he’d ever been told to expect.
“Then all you have to do is tell us that it never happened.”
“That what never happened?” Jones asked.
“The defection of a Russian sub named Red October.”
“You know the craziest thing I ever heard as a sonar man?”
“What’s that?”
“Elvis.” He hung up. Then he called Pearl Harbor.
WITH DAYLIGHT, THE TV trucks rolled through Winchester, Virginia, rather like the Civil War armies that had exchanged possession of the town over forty times.
He didn’t actually own the house. It could not even be said that CIA did. The land title was in the name of a paper corporation, in turn owned by a foundation whose directors were obscure, but since real-property ownership in America is a matter of public record, and since all corporations and foundations were also, that data would be run down in less than two days, despite the tag on the files which told the clerks in the county courthouse to be creatively incompetent in finding the documents.
The reporters who showed up had still photos and taped file footage of Nikolay Gerasimov, and long lenses were set up on tripods to aim at the windows, a quarter mile away, past a few grazing horses which made for a nice touch on the story: CIA TREATS RUSSIAN SPYMASTER LIKE VISITING KING.
The two security guards at the house were going ape, calling Langley for instructions, but the CIA’s public affairs office-itself rather an odd institution—didn’t have a clue on this one, other than falling back on the stance that this was private property (whether or not that was legally correct under the circumstances was something CIA’s lawyers were checking out) and that, therefore, the reporters couldn’t trespass.
It had been years since he’d had much to laugh about. Sure, there had been the occasional light moment, but this was something so special that he’d never even considered its possibility. He’d always thought himself an expert on America. Gerasimov had run numerous spy operations against the “Main Enemy,” as the United States had once been called in the nonexistent country he’d once served, but he admitted to himself that you had to come here and live here for a few years to understand how incomprehensible America was, how nothing made sense, how literally anything could happen, and the madder it was, the more likely it seemed. No imagination was sufficient to predict what would happen in a day, much less a year. And here was the proof of it.
Poor Ryan, he thought, standing by the window and sipping his coffee. In his country—for him it would always be the Soviet Union—this would never have happened. A few uniformed guards and a hard look would have driven people off, or if the look alone didn’t, then there were other options. But not in America, where the media had all the freedom of a wolf in the Siberian pines—he nearly laughed at that thought, too. In America, wolves were a protected species. Didn’t these fools know that wolves killed people?
“Perhaps they will go away,” Maria said, appearing at his side.
“I think not.”
“Then we must stay inside until they do,” his wife said, terrified at the development.
He shook his head. “No, Maria.”
“But what if they send us back?”
“They won’t. They can’t. One doesn’t do that with defectors. It’s a rule,” he explained. “We never sent Philby, or Burgess, or MacLean back—drunks and degenerates. Oh, no, we protected them, bought them their liquor, and let them diddle with their perversions, because that’s the rule.” He finished his coffee and walked back to the kitchen to put the cup and saucer in the dishwasher. He looked at it with a grimace. His apartment in Moscow and his dacha in the Lenin Hills—probably renamed since his departure—hadn’t had an appliance like that one. He’d had servants to do such things. No more. In America convenience was a substitute for power, and comfort the substitute for status.
Servants. It could all have been his. The status, the servants, the power. The Soviet Union could still have been a great nation, respected and admired across the world. He would have become General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. He could then have initiated the needed reforms to clear out the corruption and get the country moving again. He would probably have made a full rapprochement with the West, and made a peace, but a peace of equals it would have been, not a tot
al collapse. He’d never been an ideologue, after all, though poor old Alexandrov had thought him so, since Gerasimov had always been a Party man—well, what else could you be in a one-party state? Especially if you knew that destiny had selected you for power.
But, no. Destiny had betrayed him, in the person of John Patrick Ryan, on a cold, snowy Moscow night, sitting, he recalled, in a streetcar barn, sitting in a resting tram. And so now he had comfort and security. His daughter would soon be married to what the Americans called “old money,” what other countries called the nobility, and what he called worthless drones--the very reason the Communist Party had won its revolution. His wife was content with her appliances and her small circle of friends. And his own anger had never died.
Ryan had robbed him of his destiny, of the sheer joy of power and responsibility, of being the arbiter of his nation’s path—and then Ryan had taken to himself that same destiny, and the fool didn’t know how to make use of it. The real disgrace was to have been done in by such a person. Well, there was one thing to be done, wasn’t there? Gerasimov walked into the mud room that led out the back, selected a leather jacket, and walked outside. He thought for a moment. Yes, he’d light a cigarette, and just walk up the driveway to where they were, four hundred meters away. Along the way he would consider how to couch his remarks, and his gratitude to President Ryan. He’d never stopped studying America, and his observations on how the media thought would now stand him in good stead, he thought.
“DID I WAKE you up, Skipper?” Jones asked. It was about four in the morning at Pearl Harbor.
“Not hardly. You know, my PAO is a woman, and she’s pregnant. I hope all this crap doesn’t put her into early labor.” Rear Admiral (Vice Admiral selectee, now) Mancuso was at his desk, and his phone, on his instructions, wasn’t ringing without a good reason. An old ship-mate was such a reason.
“I got a call from NBC, asking about a little job we did in the Atlantic.”