Inland in the Deccan there were not only the capitals of kingdoms but also centres of production involved in this trade, such as Ter, Nevasa, Bhokardan, Kondapur, Sattanikota and Sannathi. Some, such as Pauni, Paunar and Sannathi, were also the location of Buddhist monasteries. The eastern Deccan saw the growth of trade, together with the establishing of Buddhist centres at Thotlakonda, Bhartiprolu, Dharanikota, Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda, among others. The towns along the east coast were linked to places further inland, such as Kondapur and Peddabankur, which were in turn linked to routes going to northern and western India. Some centres were situated in the proximity of gold-mining areas further along the Krishna Valley. These were important foci for Buddhist and Jaina monks migrating south from the cities of the Ganges Plain and central India.
Muchiri or Muziris, located perhaps in the vicinity of Kodangallur/Cranganore (near Kochi), was linked to the trade in pepper, spices and beryl. A recently discovered Greek papyrus of the second century AD, documents a contract involving an Alexandrian merchant importer and a financier that concerns cargoes, especially of pepper and spices from Muziris, which provides evidence of the large volume of this trade. References to the rich pepper trade with Malabar continue for centuries, up to the time of the Portuguese. Locations of coin hoards suggest a link from Muziris via the Palghat Gap – tapping the beryl mines – and along the Kaveri Valley to the east coast.
The route in the Periplus proceeds round the southern tip of the peninsula and up the eastern coast, where of all the ports mentioned there is fairly detailed knowledge of one – Arikamedu (known to the Periplus as Padouke). Excavations at this site have uncovered a large settlement that provides evidence of contact with traders from the eastern Mediterranean. Arikamedu was more than just a port of call in south-eastern India: not only were locally available goods shipped from here, but certain kinds of textiles are thought to have been locally manufactured, presumably to Roman specification, and shipped west to eventually reach Rome. Judging from the characteristic Roman pottery, such as terra sigillata, Arretine ware and amphorae sherds, as well as beads, glass and terracotta finds, it would seem that the settlement was active from at least the first century BC. It was initially tied into the local exchange networks and later into the more extensive maritime trade. A black pottery with a rouletted design became popular and its imitations had a wide distribution. Amphorae sherds have provided evidence not only of the import of wine in some quantity but of other items more specific to Yavana consumption, such as olive oil and garum (a fish sauce). Such sherds often carry the stamp of Mediterranean manufacturers and the wine seems to have been that from southern Italy and the Greek islands. Coastal sites such as Korkai and Alangankulam, and the inland site of Kodumanal, suggest similar contacts.
Imitations were made of Roman objects in bronze and clay. Bronze statuettes, such as the ones of Neptune and Poseidon, have been found in excavations in the peninsula. They would tend to authenticate the argument that Yavana traders were resident in India, although such objects could also be souvenirs brought back by Indian traders. Clay bullae with impressions of Roman coins are commonly found. In recent years a few coins have surfaced that have been labelled as Shangam Pandya, Chera and Chola coins, carrying symbols possibly derived from punch-marked coins. But more striking is the attempt on some to imitate the portraiture of Roman coins with substandard portraits of local rulers. The minting of these points to a more sophisticated form of exchange than simple barter.
Products that were in demand in Roman markets were exchanged mainly for Roman coins. The frequency of hoards of such coins in the Deccan and south India point to its being a trade of some substance. Most of the coins are of the earlier Roman Emperors, such as Augustus and Tiberius, the debased coins of Nero not being thought worthy of hoarding. Some coins are struck with a bar or nicked, which perhaps prevented their being put into circulation. The Roman historian Pliny complained of the trade with the east being a serious drain on the income of Rome, to the extent of 550 million sesterces each year, of which at least a fifth went to India. Imports from India were largely luxury articles – spices, jewels, textiles, ivories and animals (apes, parrots and peacocks) for the amusement of the Roman patrician and his family. It was therefore thought that the balance of trade was in favour of India. But recently it has been argued that even if Pliny’s figure is correct, customs dues and taxes on the imports from the east into Roman Egypt were high enough to compensate for the drain of money in the initial outlay for this trade. It has also been argued that Tiberius and later Pliny, both of whom complained about the drain of Roman wealth to India, may have been more concerned about making a moral judgement on Roman patrician society with its display of wealth, and therefore used the trade to underline the point. Nevertheless, it was a profitable trade for the merchants and chiefs of the Indian peninsula. The profits from pepper were to be unceasing, even in later times, as it was used in Europe both as a preservative and in medicines. There is greater interest now in the varying nature of contacts between Indian and Yavana merchants, as well as in the existing networks of exchange in India and how these were drawn into the larger trade. The discussion of centres and peripheries in trading networks with their changing status provides yet another dimension to the understanding of this trade.
Yavana merchants from the eastern Mediterranean traded in both the Satavahana kingdom and further south, their presence being registered in the votive inscriptions at Buddhist centres in the Deccan. Traders from the west were not Romans from Rome, but were Egyptian Jews and Greeks from Alexandria and the eastern Mediterranean, as well as some from north Africa – all part of the Roman Empire. These connections may have fostered the legend in later centuries of the coming of St Thomas, the disciple of Christ, to India. Some may also have been descendants of the Indo-Greeks and Shakas of the north-west.
The tapping of south-east Asia by Indian traders for items of exchange was in part spurred by the Roman trade. The items sought were largely spices, especially those not easily available in India. Although the easiest route was by sea the risks were great, evidenced by stories found in anthologies of tales relating to the adventures of merchants in Suvarnadvipa, the Golden Isles (Java, Sumatra and Bali). But the immense profits on the spices sold to the Alexandrian merchants compensated for the hazards, and when the Roman trade took a downward turn the Indian trade with south-east Asia expanded, becoming independent of the western connection.
Southeast Asian contacts with China and India date to the early centuries AD. Items such as an ivory comb, carnelian ring stones and a seal with brahmi letters all suggest the presence of Indian merchants. The presence was even stronger in places closer to India such as Shrikshetra (near Prome), in Myanmar, and at ports such as Oc-eo, situated between India and China near the Gulf of Siam. Recent excavations in south-east Asia indicate impressive pre-existing cultures with which Indian traders would have interacted. At Ban Chiang, there is evidence of the cultivation of rice with livestock such as water buffalo supplementing agriculture, while in some places there are mortuary complexes with burial urns and, in others, megaliths. The Dong Son culture of decorated bronze drums and other bronze artefacts points to sophisticated chalcolithic societies. The distribution of small settlements around a large one has been interpreted as the existence of chiefdoms, with some degree of exchange prevailing among them. This would have encouraged the initial exchange with visiting traders and possibly also drew upon inland networks, at least in mainland south-east Asia. The pattern has some similarities with that of south India, with exchange evolving into trade and incipient urbanism.
Perhaps the most striking feature of all these connections is that there is no single strand responsible for the creation of cultures. Each is dependent on another and the other can spread great distances. Nor can any of these cultures be isolated since the connectivity is essential to what they are. The connotation of the region also gets broadened with all this activity. Where one speaks of north-western Indi
a, there is inevitably the inclusion of the horizon towards Afghanistan and central Asia. The two coastal areas to the west and the east of the peninsula were also beginning to actively participate in trade with the Mediterranean and south-eastern Asia. It could be said that India, both because of its geographical position and because of its economic enterprise, participated effectively in what was probably viewed in those times as almost a global trade of the early first millennium AD.
8
The Rise of the Mercantile Community
C. 200 BC – AD 300
Economies of Exchange
The dynasties of this period had a relatively quick turnover, yet beneath these changes the most stable factor was trade. Through all the political vicissitudes of the Shungas, Kanvas, Indo-Greeks, Shakas, Kushanas, Satavahanas, Ikshvakus, Cheras, Cholas and Pandyas there was the increasing visibility of the merchant and the artisan, although with regional variations in its presence. Its associations range across kings, chiefs and monastic centres, whose roles differ from place to place. Perhaps the most striking feature of this period is the predominance of urban culture that brought better living conditions in the towns.
The Mauryan administration had opened up the subcontinent by building roads and attempting to make contact with relatively remote areas. The later annexation of north-western India by non-local rulers, with the ensuing migrations of people, was advantageous to the merchant, who ventured into places as yet untapped. The Indo-Greek kings strengthened the contact with western Asia and the eastern Mediterranean which had started in the Mauryan period. The Shakas, Parthians and Kushanas brought central Asia into the orbit of the Indian merchant, which in turn encouraged commerce with China. The Roman demand for spices, textiles, semi-precious stones and other luxuries led Yavana traders from the eastern Mediterranean to southern and western India, and also motivated Indian traders to visit south-east Asia as entrepreneurs. The prosperity of the merchant community is evident from their donations to religious institutions, and from descriptions of wealthy merchants in the literature of the time. Not surprisingly, the religions supported by the merchants, pre-eminently Buddhism and Jainism, saw their heyday during these centuries. However, this is not to suggest that economic activity was limited to trade, or that agriculture had decreased; the latter continued to yield revenue. But the more dramatic rise was in mercantile activity.
Agricultural enterprise was not only ongoing in areas already under cultivation, but more forest and wasteland was being ploughed. Even stray statements such as that in the Dharmashastra of Manu, that the land belongs to him who first cultivates it, are pointers to this. Such a comment also reflects on the question of ownership that became important with an increase in privately owned lands. Tenures varied with agricultural practices and needs, so there is a frequent mention of taxes. Gahapatis, generally the larger landowners, are met with in votive inscriptions as donors to the Sangha. Donations can be the context to transactions involving land. Land was granted to Buddhist monasteries and to brahmans, although as yet on a relatively small scale. It is a hint of what was to come. However, state-supervised agriculture as suggested in the Arthashastra finds less reflection in the sources, which tend to reiterate the private ownership of land. Even if the more impressive finds from archaeology relate to trade, agriculture was obviously a substantial source of revenue.
The importance of land revenue is also partly determined by the varieties of irrigation systems. States continued to maintain earlier canals and dams: the dam on the Sudarshana lake was repaired; and the canal built by the Nandas in Kalinga is noteworthy. There is a suggestion that Karikala dredged part of the Kaveri River to provide irrigation. Among the more impressive hydraulic water-lifts was one excavated at Sringaverapura, near Allahabad. This may not have been used for irrigation, but the technology of using varying water levels to draw water may have derived from irrigation systems or even influenced them. Another method of drawing water was the wheel attached to a well, but initially without a gearing mechanism. Professionals involved in the making of ‘water machines’ were presumably developing small irrigation works, among other things. Nevertheless, much of the irrigation remained in the hands of wealthy landowners or was constructed through the joint effort of the village. Tanks, wells and embankments are referred to, with mention made of wells and tanks being gifted to the Buddhist monastic community by individual donors.
As a resource, therefore, land continued to be used in various ways, most of which were familiar from the past although some were innovatory. Exchange and trade, however, were activities that developed in many areas to provide revenue from new resources. Areas where there was a potential for trade made this their predominant economy. Variant forms of exchange were linked to specific kinds of societies. Older forms of barter and direct exchange often persisted, but were accompanied by innovations related to commercial exchange. Gift-exchange, involving status rather than profit, was prevalent in societies where clan chiefs were still dominant and where reciprocity was the norm, but nevertheless had an economic function as well.
Something material could even be exchanged for something intangible, the latter having ceremonial value. Bolts of silk changed hands among chiefly families in central Asia through a system of gift-exchange, until they finally reached the markets where they were converted into commercial commodities. In the ritual of sacrifice, or in a donation to the Sangha, the gaining of status by the patron of the sacrifice, or merit by the donor, was intangible but the gift made to the priest or to the Sangha was material. Earlier a gift was intended for the performance of a Vedic or other ritual. Now it could be a donation to the Sangha. But the relationship between the donor and the donee remained that of the worshipper and his/her object of worship. An extension of this practice took the form of donations in the names of others, for example one’s parents, so that the merit thus acquired was transferred to them.
A more complicated exchange, determined largely by economic considerations, involved systems of redistribution. The germ of this already lay in societies where wealth was acquired through raids, the plunder being brought back for distribution among the clansmen. Even when raids were discontinued, the obtaining of loot remained a motive for going to war. Exchange was a more peaceful way to dispose of surplus while acquiring wealth. If substantial, income from trade could introduce urbanism and a state system. The evolving of the state, with a treasury and public expenditure, was a further form of redistribution. Wealth was gathered at a single point from which it was distributed and, where the state was involved, this often became the treasury of the kingdom. Both forms of exchange can coexist at different social levels in the same time period. They precede trade controlled through markets and are based on supply and demand. The linking of money with markets and a monetary economy are terms perhaps best left to later times, when such features can be gauged more accurately. For early periods the introduction of money and of markets intensified commercial trade and, although earlier forms of exchange were not discontinued, they would have been weakened.
The excavation of many urban centres of that period provide evidence of a rise in the standard of living. The Indo-Greek city of Sirkap at Taxila has been excavated to reveal its urban form, with the acropolis being distinct from the residential city. One can now walk through the streets of the latter, observe its well-demarcated quarters and almost reconstruct the city of that time. Bactria exploited its role as an intermediary of trade routes, and the layout of Bactrian cities was predictable – a fortified citadel for the ruling elite, with a larger residential city adjoining it. Houses, craft centres and monasteries were crowded into the latter, but suburbs were further away. The city of Bactra (modern Balkh) is believed to have had a population of about 100,000. The prominence of craft centres is characteristic of both these cities and others in parts of the subcontinent during this period. Mathura, like Bactra, was at the intersection of migrating groups, of artistic styles and of patronage for religious buildings. Kushana patronag
e maintained the importance of Mathura, even though it did not exceed Kushana patronage to towns in Gandhara. Mathura’s political importance was emphasized by the location of the Kushana royal portrait gallery in its vicinity at Mat.
Production and exchange were facilitated through the institution of the shreni. This word has been translated as ‘guild’, which is its nearest equivalent, but the shreni was not identical with the European guild. The shreni was more in the nature of a group of professionals, merchants or artisans who worked in association, although it had some characteristics similar to the guild. Given this caveat, shreni can be translated as ‘guild’. These organizations enhanced production essential to commerce and became an important factor in urban life. Many artisans joined shrenis since it was difficult for individuals to compete with professional organizations, and the shrenis also offered status and a degree of security. Buddhist texts such as the Milindapanha and the Mahavastu mention seventy-five or more different occupations, not many of which could have been organized as guilds, even if there were that many. If efficiency in production and a profitable sale were the aims, guilds were probably limited to those that produced goods for which there was a commercial demand. When the demand increased some guilds began to employ hired labour and slaves. Such organizations were encouraged by the state as they facilitated collection of revenue on commercial production and sale.
The Penguin History of Early India Page 37