12 - The League of Schmalkalden
Running alongside the Reformation Parliament, and influential in England's Reformation itself, was the attempted alliance with Germany through the League of Schmalkalden.
The Schmalkaldic League was a movement formally established in Germany on 27 February 1531 by the country's most powerful Protestant leaders: Philip I, Landgrave of Hesse, and John Frederick I, Elector of Saxony. The League was created thanks to a treaty that established a defensive military alliance of Protestant princes against Charles V, the Holy Roman Emperor, who held the political power in Germany at this time. This alliance of Lutheran princes aimed to break with the Roman Catholic Church, and for the League to replace the Holy Roman Empire. The movement helped spread Lutheranism throughout northern Germany, and had a substantial influence on the English Reformation.
In the wake of England's break with Rome, Henry actively pursued diplomatic contacts with the League, but following the downfall of the Boleyns, it was to end in failure. Henry VIII's evangelical advisers obviously steered him toward political contact with the League to advance their own religious interests. The generally accepted historical view is that Henry had no real religious interest in forming an alliance with the League, and that his motives were only to approach the Germans in time of necessity (for example, when Charles V and Francis I of France were making an alliance). However, this view of Henry is challenged by Rory McEntegart who proposes that Henry had a genuine interest in allying England with the League, and that there is no evidence to suggest he retreated from them as soon as foreign external situations improved. Like the members of the League, Henry had become disillusioned with the Pope and the Holy Roman Empire, so his interest was piqued by these men who were defying those religious and political powers, and defending their beliefs.1 McEntegart also points out that although Thomas Cromwell was guiding policy at this time, "he was certainly not making it", and the King's thoughts and approval were always sought.2 Whatever Henry's motivations may have been, it is clear that as his disillusionment with the Pope and the Emperor increased, so his attitude to the Protestant movement and the Germans who had previously challenged the Pope's supremacy became more and more favourable.
As for the Germans, their own inclination towards an alliance with their old enemy was greatly assisted by the presence and influence of the Boleyns and their supporters. The Boleyns were known evangelicals, and their closeness to the throne encouraged a positive view of the chances of a successful alliance. As early as its inauguration in February 1531, the League considered approaches to Henry VIII and Francis I with a view to forming an alliance in the event of an imperial attack. This resulted in letters being sent to England and France to test the water. Although in August Henry sent an ambassador, William Paget, to Germany to discuss the possibility of English support, this was a diplomatic embassy rather than a religious one, and it involved both Catholic and Protestant Germany. It was not until the dramatic domestic changes of 1533-5 that a more direct approach was made to the German Princes. In July 1533, six months after Henry had married Anne, and while George was in France on embassy, it was decided that ambassadors would be sent to Germany. Although these tentative initial overtures failed, with Cromwell at the helm England began steering towards the development of a diplomatic policy in Germany.
Throughout 1533 and 1534, George Boleyn's active involvement in the negotiations with the League was nominal. He was dispatched on four French embassies during those two years, and it was as ambassador to France that his particular talents were mainly employed. However, his active involvement in the Reformation Parliament brought him into contact with the concept of the German alliance, which was being pursued by Cromwell, at that point the Boleyns' greatest asset and champion. George's own evangelical stance meant that he could obviously see the merit in an approach to the Lutheran princes, and his involvement in the negotiations of the following year confirms his personal commitment.
By late 1533, embassies to Germany were being limited to discussions with those Germans opposed to the Catholic church. This was a fundamental policy shift from earlier in the year. The Germans were now being asked for their advice on how best to reduce the Pope's powers, and were also being asked to support the King's annulment. In May 1534 the English ambassadors stated that their embassy had:
Unknown to the king, been promoted by some of the realm's distinguished councillors and people... who favour the gospel and have requested such an embassy will have greater cause to prompt the king, so that through this means, which the Almighty in his grace has now miraculously set forth, the gospel might be brought into England, and from a persecutor will be made a lover of the word of God.3
If correct, this meant that a group of leading English politicians had not only promoted the embassy to Germany, but had also provided the ambassadors with secret instructions to request that a German embassy be sent to England to lend weight to the Reformist cause there. Indeed, the secret instructions went further:
If it does not immediately achieve anything useful with the king, it may still assist the advancement of God's glory in the land and among the king's people, particularly those who are around him; and through this the king will be made aware of our doctrine and belief.4
In other words, if the requested German embassy could not convince the King, then it may at least have more effect on those around him, who could then be manipulated into encouraging the King towards their newfound evangelism.
As to the identity of these "leading politicians", McEntegart gives full credit to Thomas Cromwell, who had been the dominant influence in promoting the embassy in the first place. What of the others? As one of the most outspoken evangelicals, it is difficult to imagine that George Boleyn was not amongst them. This is even more persuasive considering his scaffold speech, in which he specifically stated that he "took upon [himself] great labour to urge the king to permit the printing of the Scriptures to go unimpeded among the commons of the realm in their own language", and went further by saying, "I was one of those who did most to procure the matter to place the Word of God among the people because of the love and affection which I bear for the gospel and the truth in Christ's words".5 These words virtually mirrored the ambassadors' secret instructions.
The Boleyns and other evangelicals at the English court saw the potential alliance with the Germans from a religious, as well as a political, stance, but there is controversy over Thomas Cromwell's motives. Some historians see Cromwell as a "man of conventional piety"6 and a pragmatist who used the new evangelical beliefs for political means. However, his biographer John Schofield believes that Cromwell's religious views began to change in 1530, and that by 1533 there was "no doubt about Cromwell's Lutheran faith". Cromwell had links with known Reformers who were punished for reading heretical works; he asked Stephen Vaughan, who was on the continent at Henry VIII's bidding, to bring back works by Luther and Tyndale; he had Christopher Mont (one of Henry VIII's ambassadors) working in his house translating German works for him; and he was known for holding theological discussions at his home.7 However, whatever his personal faith, while Anne Boleyn remained in favour it was in his best interests to share her family's religious persuasions, and by breaking with Rome he gave Henry what he wanted – namely, supreme power in his own land.
Although the 1534 embassy to Germany eventually failed, and the German offer to promote the gospel in England came to nothing, the English evangelicals had announced their presence to their German religious allies. They had also confirmed their wish for closer relations with the League, something that was further pursued the following year when George Boleyn took on a more high profile role in proceedings.
Philip Melanchthon was a German professor and theologian. He was also a friend of Martin Luther, and a leader of the Lutheran Reformation. It was Melanchthon who was given the thankless task of presenting to Charles V a statement setting out the Protestant doctrine, a statement with which Charles was singularly unimpressed. In early
1535, Francis I invited Melanchthon to France to discuss ways of reconciling the Roman and Protestant churches. News of this invitation reached England, causing Henry to fear an alliance between France and Germany. To prevent this, an embassy was suggested to intercept Melanchthon and divert him to England.8 There was some suggestion that George Boleyn would be one of those sent to Germany. A remembrance of Thomas Cromwell written some time in March states, "What shall be determined touching my Lord of Rochford's going".9 Although George did not go to Germany, his active involvement in the proceedings is confirmed by a letter dated 19 July 1535 written jointly by George and his uncle, the Duke of Norfolk, to Cromwell. George and Norfolk were with the court at Windsor for the start of the summer progress. 11 days earlier, Henry had authorised Robert Barnes to travel to Germany and arrange for Melanchthon to visit England.
Final arrangements for the embassy were discussed between Henry and his councillors in the absence of Cromwell, who had been called away to London. The plans were conveyed to him in the letter from George and Norfolk. Although a joint letter, it is deeply evangelical in tone, and the turn of phrase is most definitely that of George Boleyn. The letter advised Cromwell that two embassies were to be sent, one led by Robert Barnes and Dereck Holt, and one led by Christopher Mont and Simon Heynes. Barnes and Holt were to travel to Germany to meet with Melanchthon and dissuade him from going to France because, "the French King doth persecute those that will not grant unto the Bishop of Rome's usurped power and jurisdiction... saying unto him how much it should be to his shame and reproach to vary and go now from that true opinion wherein he hath so long continued". They were also to encourage Melanchthon to travel to England instead due to "the conformity of his opinion and doctrine here", and if that didn't convince him, "with the good entertainment which undoubtedly he shall have here at his Graces hands".
Heynes and Mont were to travel to John Wallop, Henry VIII's ambassador in France, "in as secret a manner as they can, and coming like his friends to visit him and not as sent by the king". If Melanchthon had already arrived in France they were to dissuade him, "of his continuance there", and to lure him to England. Finally the letter warns that the ambassadors are to be diligent, saying, "And to make an end, his Grace would in no wise that Barnes and Heynes shall tarry for any further instruction of the Bishop of Canterbury or any other". The letter finishes, "And thus fare you well, from Langley, in much haste". It is the phraseology alone which holds this letter out as George Boleyn's, even setting aside the evangelical tone. Norfolk remained an orthodox Catholic throughout his life, and though putting his signature to the letter, he obviously left the contents to his nephew.10
In the end, Melanchthon travelled to neither England nor France. The following year the fall of the Boleyns caused an outcry in Germany.11 The German Protestants were fully aware that Anne and her brother were supporters of Reform, deducing that their downfall was due to anti-Protestantism and that they had been punished for heresy. Philip Melanchthon wrote to the Strassburg council on 19 June:
[Since] the king has executed his second wife, who it is said was well inclined to the gospel….that before we send an embassy we take cause to send a man there, to ascertain whether the king is still of the same opinion and supports the gospel.12
This is not to say that further attempts were not made. There continued to be negotiations between England and Germany for a number of years, which ended with the farcical marriage between Henry and Anne of Cleves in January 1540. Despite Cromwell's best efforts, there never was an alliance between Germany and England, and his attempts to form one eventually resulted in his own downfall and execution in July 1540.
At the end of 1529, though, the consequences of the Reformation Parliament, and the attempted alliance with Germany, were very much in the future. In the meantime, negotiations with France and Rome continued. As well as his involvement in the Reformation Parliament, George Boleyn played an active diplomatic role in France, undertaking six diplomatic missions there between October 1529 and June 1535.
13 - The King's Great Matter
Following the alliance of Cromwell with the Boleyns in late 1529, Henry VIII's annulment was pursued with commitment and single-mindedness. However, the Boleyns were now taking a more active role in proceedings.
In October 1529, George Boleyn became ambassador to France and shortly afterwards was sent on the first of his six diplomatic missions abroad. There can be little doubt that George's appointment was helped by the influence of his sister and the reputation of his father. Why else entrust such an important mission to a young man who was a complete novice in the art of diplomacy? Yet even with Anne's support, he would have been highly unlikely to have been given such an eminent position at such a young age unless he had demonstrated a capacity for fulfilling the role. He was Henry's representative abroad, and even for a future brother-in-law Henry would not have risked being potentially humiliated by an incompetent envoy. Jean du Bellay, the French ambassador who would become Bishop of Paris in 1532, had no illusions as to George's importance, despite his tender years. He warned the ambassadors in Paris to flatter Boleyn pretensions, saying that he should be given a good welcome and more honour than was ordinarily necessary: "Those who send him wish him to be received with more than ordinary honor. Penisson, whom you know, is sent to keep him company, and to 'servyr d'addresse;' but I warn you that the reception given to him will be well weighed."1 2 The fact that George was to be shown more than ordinary honour was a mark of favouritism that no doubt owed more to his doting sister and father, a man the ambassadors in Paris knew well, than to the King.
Henry's trust in George as ambassador was tempered by his decision to send him to France with an assistant, Dr John Stokesley, the Dean of the Chapel Royal. Although George was notionally heading the mission, the truth of the matter was that his second-in-command Stokesley, a man in his fifties who has been described as an "expert canon lawyer",3 would in reality be the envoy making the decisions, and would effectively serve as George's mentor. Despite George's grand title, he was actually being sent to France to gain experience, and to learn from Stokesley and the other experienced diplomats. This was to be a steep learning curve for the 25 year-old, but one that he grasped with both hands. George was no fool, and he must have realised why a man as young as himself had been given such an opportunity. As a proud young man he would have been determined not to fail, and to prove his capabilities in his own right rather than as the lucky brother of the King's new love. There was also an added financial incentive. As ambassador, George received an income of £2 per day, which was a huge salary for a young courtier previously on an income of £100 per year. This income is stated in the state papers to be paid "in prest and advancement of his diets at 40s. a day, for four months, 240l." George's high favour is shown in the fact that George received 40 shillings a day for food, whereas Stokesley only received "26s. 8d. a day, 160l."4 As a man of intelligence, George would have quickly realised that diplomatic missions abroad were highly lucrative, as well as prestigious.
The principal object of George's first foreign embassy was to persuade the universities of France to find in favour of Henry's divorce from Catherine. The instructions were issued to George at the start of October, prior to him being knighted and ahead of him becoming Viscount Rochford. The instructions specifically refer to him as George Boleyn and do not contain the prefix "Sir", but they do confirm that he had at last been reappointed to the Privy Chamber:
Instruccions geven by the Kinges Highnes to his trusty and right welbeloved Counsaillours George Boleyn, oon of the Gentlemen of the Kinges Privey Chamber, and Mr John Stokesley, Doctour of Dyvynite, whom His Grace nowe sendeth on Ambassiate to his derest brother cousin and perpetuel alye the Frenche King...5
The party of ambassadors eventually left England towards the end of October. While in France, George received his father's title of Viscount Rochford on 8 December, the same date upon which his father became Earl of Wiltshire. When George first arrived in
France, he and Stokesley were instructed to have an initial interview with the resident ambassador, Francis Bryan, who George was to replace for a season to enable Bryan to return to England. Quite what the highly experienced and older Bryan thought of being replaced by a 25 year-old is unknown. George was then to attempt to convince King Francis I to support the mission. George and Stokesley took a large train of courtiers with them to France in order to present well to the French court, and to reiterate to Francis the importance of the mission. When the English envoys met face to face with the King, they received a favourable reception, and he gave them his verbal support, insisting he would use all his efforts to assist Henry. Armed with the King of France's verbal support, George and Stokesley had no reason to believe that the academics would do anything other than capitulate and give the required opinions in favour of divorce. Du Bellay also believed that the academics would rule in their favour and that George and Stokesley would soon be able to head back to England with good news.6 Unfortunately, the ambassadors were in for an unpleasant surprise. The opinions were entirely unfavourable, which meant more direct intervention from Francis was needed.
On 16 January 1530 Stokesley wrote to George's father, now the Earl of Wiltshire, regarding George travelling to see Francis I. Stokesley's letter refers to "the unlernyd Spanyard Doctour Petre Garray", a Spanish theologian who was in Paris speaking to the academics on Catherine of Aragon's behalf.7 Despite the French King having verbally indicated his favour towards the divorce, the university theologians, headed by Noël Béda, trustee of the Paris Faculty of Theology, had thwarted his wishes and compiled a long list of signatures against the divorce. The bulk of Europe was under imperial control, and the University of Paris was hard to win over. In his letter to Wiltshire, Stokesley went on to say, "And one of our devises that my lord your son doth now solicite, is to have very effectual letters to him, as well from the French King as from the said Admiral his promoter." George had been sent to try and procure the direct intervention of the French King by means of a written missive. By then, the French court had left Paris and gone to Dijon, so George set off from Paris on 16 January to ride to Dijon accompanied by the train of courtiers who had been sent to France to accompany him. His aim was to persuade Francis to write to Pierre Lizet, the President of the Parliament of Paris, a man of great power and influence both in Paris and with the Sorbonne. Stokesley surmised in his letter to Wiltshire that the mission would fail, as Charles V was holding Francis's two eldest sons as hostages. He felt it was highly unlikely Francis would make any direct move, which would, in the circumstances, have the effect of antagonising Charles. George therefore had an uphill struggle in eliciting Francis's direct intervention. Yet the importance of obtaining his support was paramount to the success of the mission. In his letter to Wiltshire Stokesley continued:
George Boleyn: Tudor Poet, Courtier & Diplomat Page 11