by Isaac Asimov
Furthermore, the species often seem to melt together, as if they were still evolving along their slightly separate roads from common ancestors not very far in the past. Some species are so close together that under special circumstances they will interbreed, as in the case of the horse and the donkey, which, by appropriate cooperation, can produce the mule. Cattle can interbreed with buffaloes, and lions with tigers. There are also intermediate species, so to speak—creatures that link together two larger groups of animals. The cheetah is a cat with a smattering of doggish characteristics, and the hyena is a dog with some cattish characteristics. The platypus is a mammal only halfway removed from a reptile. There is a creature called peripatus, which seems half worm, half centipede. The dividing lines become particularly thin when we look at certain animals in their youthful stages. The infant frog seems to be a fish; and there is a primitive chordate called balanoglossus, discovered in 1825, which as a youngster is so like a young echinoderm that at first it was so classified.
We can trace practically a re-enactment of the passage through the phyla, even in the development of a human being from the fertilized egg. The study of this development (embryology) began in the modern sense with Harvey, the discoverer of the circulation of the blood. In 1759, the German physiologist Kaspar Friedrich Wolff demonstrated that the change in the egg is really a development: that is, specialized tissues grow out of unspecialized precursors by progressive alteration rather than (as many had previously thought) through the mere growth of tiny, already specialized structures existing in the egg to begin with.
In the course of this development, the egg starts as a single cell (a kind of protozoon), then becomes a small colony of cells (as in a sponge), each of which at first is capable of separating and starting life on its own, as happens when identical twins develop. The developing embryo passes through a two-layered stage (like a coelenterate), then adds a third layer (like an echinoderm), and so continues to add complexities in roughly the order that the progressively higher species do. The human embryo has at some stage in its development the notochord of a primitive chordate, later gill pouches reminiscent of a fish, and still later the tail and body hair of a lower mammal.
EARLY THEORIES
From Aristotle on, many men speculated on the possibility that organisms had evolved from one another. But as Christianity grew in power, such speculations were discouraged. The first chapter of Genesis in the Bible stated flatly that each living thing was created “after his kind,” and, taken literally, had to mean that the species were “immutable” and had had the same form from the very beginning. Even Linnaeus, who must have been struck by the apparent kinships among living things, insisted firmly on the immutability of species.
The literal story of Creation, strong as its hold was on the human mind, eventually had to yield to the evidence of the fossils (from the Latin word meaning “to dig”). As long ago as 1669, the Danish scientist Nicolaus Steno had pointed out that lower layers (strata) of rock had to be older than the upper strata. At any reasonable rate of rock formation, it became more and more evident that lower strata had to be much older than upper strata. Petrified remnants of once living things were often found buried so deep under layers of rock that they had to be immensely older than the few thousand years that had elapsed since the creation described in the Bible. The fossil evidence also pointed to vast changes in the structure of the earth. As long ago as the sixth century B.C., the Greek philosopher Xenophanes of Colophon had noted fossil sea shells in the mountains and had surmised that those mountains had been under water long ages before.
Believers in the literal words of the Bible could and did maintain that the fossils resembled once-living organisms only through accident, or that they had been created deceitfully by the Devil. Such views were most unconvincing, and a more plausible suggestion was made that the fossils were remnants of creatures drowned in the Flood. Sea shells on mountain tops would certainly be evidence for that theory, since the biblical account of the Deluge states that water covered all the mountains.
But on close inspection, many of the fossil organisms proved to be different from any living species. John Ray, the early classifier, wondered if they might represent extinct species. A Swiss naturalist named Charles Bonnet went farther and, in 1770, suggested that fossils were indeed remnants of extinct species which had been destroyed in ancient geological catastrophes going back to long before the Flood.
It was an English land surveyor named William Smith, however, who laid a scientific foundation for the study of fossils and ancient life (paleontology). While working on excavations for a canal in 1791, he was impressed by the fact that the rock through which the canal was being cut was divided into strata, and that each stratum contained its own characteristic fossils. It now became possible to put fossils in a chronological order, depending on their place in the series of successive layers, and to associate each fossil with a particular type of rock stratum which would represent a certain period in geological history.
About 1800, Cuvier (the man who invented the notion of the phylum) classified fossils according to the Linnaean system and extended comparative anatomy into the distant past. Although many fossils represented species and genera not found among living creatures, all fitted neatly into one or another of the known phyla and so made up an integral part of the scheme of life. In 1801, for instance, Cuvier studied a long-fingered fossil of a type first discovered twenty years earlier, and demonstrated it to be the remains of a leathery-winged flying creature like nothing now existing—at least like nothing now existing exactly. He was able to show from the bone structure that these pterodactyls (“wing-fingers”), as he called them, were nevertheless reptiles, clearly related to the snakes, lizards, alligators, and turtles of today.
Furthermore, the deeper the stratum in which the fossil was to be found, and therefore the older the fossil, the simpler and less highly developed it seemed. Not only that, but fossils sometimes represented intermediate forms connecting two groups of creatures which, as far as living forms were concerned, seemed entirely separate. A particularly startling example, discovered after Cuvier’s time, is a very primitive bird called archaeopteryx (Greek for “ancient wing”). This now-extinct creature had wings and feathers, but it also had a lizardlike, feather fringed tail and a beak that contained reptilian teeth!
In these and other respects it was clearly midway between a reptile and a bird (figure 16.3).
Figure 16.3. Archaeopteryx.
Cuvier still supposed that terrestrial catastrophes, rather than evolution, had been responsible for the disappearance of the extinct forms of life; but in the 1830s, Charles Lyell’s new view of fossils and geological history in his history-making work The Principles of Geology won scientific opinion to his side. Some reasonable theory of evolution became a necessity, if any sense at all was to be made of the paleontological evidence.
If animals had evolved from one form to another, what had caused them to do so? This was the main stumbling block in the efforts to explain the varieties of life. The first to attempt an explanation was the French naturalist Jean Baptiste de Lamarck. In 1809, he published a book, entitled Zoological Philosophy, in which he suggested that the environment caused organisms to acquire small changes which were then passed on to their descendants. Lamarck illustrated his idea with the giraffe (a newly discovered sensation of the time). Suppose that a primitive, antelopelike creature that fed on tree leaves ran out of food within easy reach, and had to stretch its neck as far as it could to get more food. By habitual stretching of its neck, tongue, and legs, it would gradually lengthen those appendages. It would then pass on these developed characteristics to its offspring, which in turn would stretch farther and pass on a still longer neck to their descendants, and so on. Little by little, by generation after generation of stretching, the primitive antelope would evolve into a giraffe.
Lamarck’s notion of the inheritance of acquired characteristics quickly ran afoul of difficulties. How had the g
iraffe developed its blotched coat, for instance? Surely no action on its part, deliberate or otherwise, could have effected this change. Furthermore, a skeptical experimenter, the German biologist August Friedrich Leopold Weismann, cut off the tails of mice for generation after generation and reported that the last generation grew tails not one whit shorter than the first. (He might have saved himself the trouble by considering the case of the circumcision of Jewish males, which after more than a hundred generations had produced no shriveling of the foreskin.)
By 1883, Weismann had observed that the germ cells, which were eventually to produce sperm or ova, separated from the remainder of the embryo at an early stage and remained relatively unspecialized. From this, and from his experiments with rat tails, Weismann deduced the notion of the continuity of the germ plasm. The germ plasm (that is, the protoplasm making up the germ cells) had, he felt, an independent existence, continuous across the generations, with the remainder of the organism but a temporary housing, so to speak, built up and destroyed in each generation. The germ plasm guided the characteristics of the body and was not itself affected by the body. In all this, he was at the extreme opposite to Lamarck and was also wrong, although, on the whole, the actual situation seemed closer to the Weismann view than to that of Lamarck.
Despite its rejection by most biologists, Lamarckism lingered on into the twentieth century and even had a strong but apparently temporary revival in the form of Lysenkoism (hereditary modification of plants by certain treatments) in the Soviet Union. (Trofim Denisovich Lysenko, the exponent of this belief, was powerful under Stalin, retained much influence under Khrushchev, but underwent an eclipse when Khrushchev fell from power in 1964.) Modern geneticists do not exclude the possibility that the action of the environment may bring about certain transmittable changes in simple organisms, but the Lamarckian idea as such was demolished by the discovery of genes and the laws of heredity.
DARWIN’S THEORY
In 1831, a young Englishman named Charles Darwin, a dilettante and sportsman who had spent a more or less idle youth and was restlessly looking for something to do to overcome his boredom, was persuaded by a ship captain and a Cambridge professor to sign on as naturalist on a ship setting off on a five-year voyage around the world. The expedition was to study continental coastlines and make observations of flora and fauna along the way. Darwin, aged twenty-two, made the voyage of the Beagle the most important sea voyage in the history of science.
As the ship sailed slowly down the east coast of South America and then up its west coast, Darwin painstakingly collected information on the various forms of plant and animal life. His most striking discovery came in a group of islands in the Pacific, about 650 miles west of Ecuador, called the Galapagos Islands because of giant tortoises living on them (Galapagos coming from the Spanish word for “tortoise”). What most attracted Darwin’s attention during his five-week stay was the variety of finches on the islands; they are known as Darwin’s finches to this day. He found the birds divided into at least fourteen different species, distinguished from one another mainly by differences in the size and shape of their bills. These particular species did not exist anywhere else in the world, but they resembled an apparently close relative on the South American mainland.
What accounted for the special character of the finches on these islands? Why did they differ from ordinary finches, and why were they themselves divided into no fewer than fourteen species? Darwin decided that the most reasonable theory was that all of them were descended from the mainland type of finch and had differentiated during long isolation on the islands. The differentiation had resulted from varying methods of obtaining food. Three of the Galapagos species still fed on seeds, as the mainland finch did, but each ate a different kind of seed and varied correspondingly in size, one species being rather large, one medium, and one small. Two other species fed on cacti; most of the others fed on insects.
The problem of the changes in the finches’ eating habits and physical characteristics preyed on Darwin’s mind for many years. In 1838, he began to get a glimmering of the answer from reading a book that had been published forty years before by an English clergyman named Thomas Robert Malthus. In his An Essay on the Principle of Population, Malthus maintained that a population always outgrew its food supply and so eventually was cut back by starvation, disease, or war. It was in this book that Darwin came across the phrase “the struggle for existence,” which his theories later made famous. Thinking of his finches, Darwin at once realized that competition for food would act as a mechanism favoring the more efficient individuals. When the finches that had colonized the Galapagos multiplied to the point of outrunning the seed supply, the only survivors would be the stronger birds or those particularly adept at obtaining seeds or those able to get new kinds of food. A bird that happened to be equipped with slight variations of the finch characteristics, which enabled it to eat bigger seeds or tougher seeds or, better still, insects, would find an untapped food supply. A bird with a slightly thinner and longer bill could reach food that others could not, or one with an unusually massive bill could use otherwise unusable food. Such birds, and their descendants, would gain in numbers at the expense of the original variety of finch. Each of the adaptive types would find and fill a new, unoccupied niche in the environment. On the Galapagos Islands, virtually empty of bird life to begin with, all sorts of niches were there for the taking, with no established competitors to bar the way. On the South American mainland, with all the niches occupied, the ancestral finch did well merely to hold its own. It proliferated into no further species.
Darwin suggested that every generation of animals was composed of an array of individuals varying randomly from the average. Some would be slightly larger; some would possess organs of slightly altered shape; some abilities would be a trifle above or below normal. The differences might be minute, but those whose make-up was even slightly better suited to the environment would tend to live slightly longer and have more offspring. Eventually, an accumulation of favorable characteristics might be coupled with an inability to breed with the original type or other variations of it, and thus a new species would be born.
Darwin called this process natural selection. According to his view, the giraffe got its long neck not by stretching but because some giraffes were born with longer necks than their fellows, and the longer the neck, the more chance a giraffe had of reaching food. By natural selection, the long-necked species won out. Natural selection explained the giraffe’s blotched coat just as easily: an animal with blotches on its skin would blend against the sun-spotted vegetation and thus have more chance of escaping the attention of a prowling lion.
Darwin’s view of the way in which species were formed also made clear why it was often difficult to make clear-cut distinctions between species or between genera. The evolution of species is a continuous process and, of course, takes a very long time. There must be any number of species with members that are even now slowly drifting apart into separate species.
Darwin spent many years collecting evidence and working out his theory. He realized that it would shake the foundations of biology and society’s thinking about the place of human beings in the scheme of things, and he wanted to be sure of his ground in every possible respect. Darwin started collecting notes on the subject and thinking about it in 1834, even before he read Malthus; and in 1858, he was still working on a book dealing with the subject. His friends (including Lyell, the geologist) knew what he was working on; several had read his preliminary drafts. They urged him to hurry, lest he be anticipated. Darwin would not (or could not) hurry, and he was anticipated.
The man who anticipated him was Alfred Russel Wallace, fourteen years younger than Darwin. Wallace’s life paralleled that of Darwin. He, too, went on an around-the-world scientific expedition as a young man. In the East Indies, he noticed that the plants and animals in the eastern islands were completely different from those in the western islands. A sharp line could be drawn between the two typ
es of life forms: it ran between Borneo and Celebes, for instance, and between the small islands of Bali and Lombok farther to the south. The line is still called Wallace’s line. (Wallace went on, later in his life, to divide the earth into six large regions, characterized by differing varieties of animals, a division that, with minor modifications, is still considered valid today.)
Now the mammals in the eastern islands and in Australia were distinctly more primitive than those in the western islands and Asia—or, indeed, in the rest of the world. It looked as if Australia and the eastern islands had split off from Asia at some early time when only primitive mammals existed, and the placental mammals had developed later only in Asia. New Zealand must have been isolated even longer, for it lacked mammals altogether and was inhabited by primitive flightless birds, of which the best-known survivor today is the kiwi.
How had the higher mammals in Asia arisen? Wallace first began puzzling over this question in 1855. In 1858 he, too, carne across Malthus’s book; and from it, he, too, drew the conclusions Darwin had drawn. But Wallace did not spend fourteen years writing his conclusions. Once the idea was clear in his mind, he sat down and wrote a paper on it in two days. He decided to send his manuscripts to some well-known competent biologist for criticism and review, and he chose Charles Darwin.
When Darwin received the manuscript, he was thunderstruck. It expressed his own thoughts in almost his own terms. At once he passed Wallace’s paper to other important scientists and offered to collaborate with Wallace on reports summarizing their joint conclusions. Their reports appeared in the Journal of the Linnaean Society in 1858.