‘That is what I fear, my lord. Please remember later what I have foretold today. But it is not fitting that a freedman should dispute with his lord. I hope I am mistaken.’
Lepidus was proud of his successful negotiation, which had not been without its dangers. For the second time he had halted a petty war in Spain, a war which might otherwise have grown into a conflagration of all the Roman world. He was gratified, but not surprised, when the Senate voted him a ‘supplication’, a public thanksgiving. That was the conventional forerunner of a Triumph, which of course could not be granted until he had laid down the government of his province and returned to Rome.
He passed the autumn in Narbo, a prosperous town which had been for eighty years the capital of a Roman province. The public buildings were adequate weather-proof eyesores, clumsily put together by barbarian workmen to a Roman design; but the official residence of the proconsul was unworthy of Aemilius Lepidus. At the time it was built, before Caesar’s conquest of Further Gaul, the Narbonnese had been an unimportant province. The planning of the necessary alterations gave him an interesting occupation.
Junia would have planned this new wing better, and he knew it. At first he contemplated asking her to join him. But autumn was the wrong time for a sea voyage, and the alpine passes would be deep in mud. Besides, Junia was too fond of politics to be happy away from the City, and there was the risk that little Quintus might pick up a Gallic accent. He decided to leave his family in Rome until his term of office expired. Junia wrote to him regularly, and her accounts of the complicated intrigues now dividing the Senate enabled him to probe beneath the bald official announcements of what seemed on the face of it a united administration.
He loved his wife, and he had been educated to treat marriage as a binding tie. He did not follow the lax habit of many provincial governors and install a nest of native concubines in his private apartments. But though he slept alone he was not without the society of his equals. A provincial governor was expected to provide for his relations, and there were two of them on his staff. Marcus Junius Silanus was Junia’s full brother, son of her father as well as her mother; though he had never been so high in her affections as that oddity her half-brother Marcus Brutus. He was a capable man of business, and a sound but dull speaker; perhaps his speeches would be more interesting when he had finally made up his mind whether he supported the Optimates or the Populars. At present he was so busy seeing the good in both sides that most people considered him a bore. He was chief legate to Lepidus, because he was his brother-in-law, but though influence had got him the post he was competent.
The other kinsman was a more remote connexion, a second cousin named Culleo. He was absurdly ignorant of politics, for he wished to make the army his career. He was a fairly senior military tribune, and Lepidus had it in mind to appoint him legate if a vacancy should occur. But though a proconsul appointed his own legates, without ratification from Senate or assembly, the number he might appoint was limited by law. Lepidus had three, one relation and two professional soldiers, which was about the right proportion; he could not increase the number.
One of the other legates was more than a professional soldier; he had a political background, and he happened to be the only fervent Optimate to be found in the army of Gaul. Lepidus had deliberately picked Marcus Juventius Laterensis, precisely because he had been in general a political opponent. It was important to show the world that Caesar’s murder had not destroyed the unity of Rome; when it came to holding down conquered Gaul all the survivors of the Ides of March would work together. Besides, Laterensis had held minor office, and had often spoken in the Senate. Though they disagreed politically, he and his commanding officer spoke the same language.
During that first autumn Lepidus was occupied with the government of his province; but once he had got the hang of it he found it really very easy. He ruled both Hither Spain and Narbonnese Gaul, which swept round the curving shore of the Mediterranean in a great arc from the Alps to the Ebro. The shore was dotted with walled towns, mostly claiming a Greek foundation; the townsmen, delighted with Roman order and Roman equity, gladly paid tribute. Their private disputes were settled by their elected town-councils.
Even the hill tribes were getting used to paying taxes. Roman soldiers might not be able to catch them on their native mountains, but if they rebelled they knew for certain that their crops would be burned and their children would go hungry. Besides, the Romans showed them how to earn money to satisfy the tax-collectors. They could export corn and olives over smooth roads, free from brigands. The proconsul did not interfere with their private affairs, so long as they appeared outwardly loyal.
After a few months of careful administration he found himself devoting most of his working hours to the training of his army; for it was evident that in spite of the universal desire for peace a great war was in the making. Whatever the Senate might have decreed in that hugger-mugger meeting in the temple of Tellus, public opinion demanded punishment for the murderers of Caesar. Cassius and Marcus Brutus had fled from Italy in fear of their lives. Once they reached Asia they began to levy troops without authority. Dolabella, newly appointed proconsul in Syria, made war on them even while the Senate preached peace; or rather he plundered the cities which had contributed to their war-chest.
Turmoils in Asia need not concern a governor of Narbo, as Lepidus pointed out in one of his letters to Junia. She answered at once, warning him of danger very much nearer his frontier. Her letter began, naturally, with a recital of all recent betrothals, marriages and divorces. This was essential background information, lacking which even an experienced politician could not estimate the strength of parties in the Senate. A paid writer of news-letters could list the marriages and divorces, but only a lady who visited the right boudoirs would know of the betrothals, which were often kept private.
Then she continued: ‘I hope your barbarian subjects are quiet, for you must expect war on your southern border. Cisalpine Gaul has got into a tangle which can only be unravelled by the sword. Poor dear Caesar arranged that it should be governed by the faithful Decimus Brutus while he was absent fighting the Parthians. Decimus was one of the first to plunge a dagger into him. Will you believe it when I say he has just taken over his province, with the full approval of the Senate? He has recruited an army from the sons of Sulla’s veterans, driven from their ill-gotten farms by Caesar’s men. It is not a strong force, I am told; but it is the only army in the world that will fight heart and soul for the Optimate cause.
‘Of course Decimus Brutus is the darling of the Optimates, because he used to be a leading Caesarian. They give him anything he asks for lest he change sides again. They won’t lift a finger to help Cassius, or my poor Marcus, because they have been faithful Optimates all their lives and will never desert the cause. So while honest Optimates are fighting in Asia, with every man’s hand against them, that beastly turncoat gets the province and army nearest the City as the reward of his treachery. That is how Rome is governed today.
‘You may be surprised that Optimates can allot provinces and armies, after their leaders have been chased from the City. As a matter of fact the assembly is still Popular. No sooner had Decimus Brutus set off for his province than Marcus Antonius got the people to pass a law, giving him Cisalpine Gaul instead of Macedonia which Caesar had promised him. He also wants to be as near the City as possible. In a few days he will march north, with a commission from the Senate and People of Rome, to conquer the Cisalpine province from Brutus, who governs it in virtue of a commission from the Senate and People of Rome. Did you ever hear of such a muddle in your life?
‘Perhaps you wonder why I explain at such length. In a straight fight between Optimates and Caesarians your duty would be clear. You would help Antonius, in spite of his reputation, if by your help he could take vengeance on a murderer of Caesar. I must warn you of a dangerous split in our party. Octavius, the dim great-nephew, has made himself universally beloved by paying Caesar’s legacies out of hi
s own pocket; for Antonius would not let him touch Caesar’s treasure. Where the money came from is a mystery; he must have powerful backers.
‘Octavius is a private citizen, who has never held any public office. But as Caesar’s heir he has recruited a fine army.
‘Now the real point is that this Octavius, who shows his uncouth provincial lack of polish every time he enters a drawing-room, is thrilled to find himself taken up by the aristocracy. I haven’t met him, but they tell me that a patronizing word from Cicero means more to him than the cheers of the most faithful Caesarians. There is a real danger that he will lead his troops against Antonius; ostensibly as the servant of the Senate, in fact to wrest from him the leadership of our party. So don’t take it for granted that in fighting for Antonius you are fighting for the ghost of Caesar. I advise you to stay out of the war, at least until Octavius has declared himself. If he joins Antonius, you can follow them both with a clear conscience; if they fight one another, wait and see which of them proves to be the real leader of the Caesarians.
‘Meanwhile my poor Tertulla is wandering with Cassius in Asia, and the best fate my brother Marcus can hope for is exile. Mother is in despair. Never again will she see all her children together, and if they did find themselves under the same roof they would continue the civil war with their bare hands. In my family we take politics seriously. What a pity we could not all choose the same side! At least you have with you my brother Silanus. But he isn’t Marcus. All the same, give him my love.’
‘What is there about Marcus Brutus that makes people love him?’ said Lepidus to Silanus, after they had read this letter together. ‘Whatever he may plead in justification, his murder of his benefactor was a dirty business. Yet obviously Junia still misses him.’
‘I don’t know what he has, unless it’s his honesty; but he has something. Do you remember, we used to laugh at him for going about the Forum being honest in public, as if that were a life-work for a grown man? But in fact he is honest, even though he makes a fuss about it. How many other honest men are there in the Senate today? If ever I meet Marcus I shall take his head, or he will take mine. The blood-feud lies between us, even though we were born of the same mother. All the same, I wish there were somewhere he could live unmolested. Why doesn’t he go into exile among the blameless Ethiopians? If they are really as blameless as Homer says he would pass unnoticed among them.’
‘So you are another friend of his. I am not,’ said Lepidus grimly. ‘My two sons, my only sons, once stood hostage for him. To save his skin he imperilled the continuance of the Aemilii Lepidi. If every other Caesarian pleads for Marcus Brutus, my vote will still go against him.’
Junia’s letter was too private to be shown to anyone but her brother, but that evening the proconsul discussed the news in general terms with his legates. The Populars among them were distressed at the prospect of a split in the party. Laterensis, the only Optimate, was dismayed for a different reason.
‘This young Octavius who now calls himself Caesar,’ he said gloomily, ‘his career proves that our constitution is in great danger. Without any legal commission he has gathered a great army. Rome has Consuls, and praetors, a Senate and an assembly of the people. But a man called Caesar, even though he has no right to the name, is more powerful than all the lictors and fasces in the City.’
‘You go too fast,’ Lepidus replied. ‘The republic happens to have hit a bad patch. That’s because we have a poor lot of magistrates this year. Look at the Consuls! That rascal Marcus Antonius: Dolabella, who seems to have set up as a brigand in Syria. By spring he will be a public enemy, in the summer his head will decorate a stake. But it’s already November. In January new Consuls take office. Hirtius and Pansa are Caesarians, so the mob won’t riot; but they are statesmen, not swashbucklers. They will obey the commands of the Senate and People of Rome because they are men of birth and education, in whom such obedience has been bred for many generations. When they hold the auspices the constitution of our ancestors will once more rule the republic.’
Silanus looked doubtful. ‘Neither of these respected noblemen, I gather, is an experienced soldier. Will they control the legions, who are more Caesarian than any mob?’
‘Roman soldiers obey their commanders,’ Lepidus answered stoutly. ‘By discipline we have conquered the world. Anyway, for more than four hundred years our ancestors lived together in Rome without civil war. Those days must return, for that is the Roman way of life.’
‘You know more about politics than I do, Imperator,’ Silanus said politely. ‘But there were civil wars before I was born, and I expect them to continue after I am dead.’
‘I am gathering supplies, and recruiting my legions. But these alarms can’t last for ever. The good old days will return.’
Soon news reached Narbo that the war had begun in earnest. Until January Marcus Antonius was Consul, in legal theory commander of every Roman soldier. In his last month of office he led an army against Decimus Brutus, who retired behind the walls of the strong town of Mutina. Antonius was exceeding his powers, for the Senate had not commissioned him to make war on Brutus. But while in office he must be obeyed.
The Alps saved Lepidus from choosing a side. Both Brutus and Antonius appealed for his support, but until the snow was off the passes he could not march. By spring the situation would be clearer.
Before the snow melted another letter came from Junia.
‘… so he will divorce her, and marry any Claudia available. United, the two families will carry great weight. But for the Aemilii Lepidi the great news is that the Senate has voted you an equestrian statue, to be erected on the Capitol at the public expense. So far as I can discover, none of your ancestors have been so rewarded, not even your grandfather’s grandfather, the Marcus Aemilius Lepidus who was twice Consul, Censor, and for many years chief of the Senate. When you die, this honour can be indicated on your image.
‘But don’t be overcome by pride, my dear husband. Ostensibly this is a reward for your negotiation with Sextus Pompeius. In fact it is the price with which the Optimates hope to buy the army of Narbonese Gaul. They are encouraged in this hope because they have recently bought the most famous Caesarian alive, young Caesar himself (lately Octavius, the dim great-nephew). When the Antonius brothers marched against Mutina they left the City unguarded; it was at once occupied by the quite illegal army young Caesar has raised on his own authority. The Optimates regularized his irregular position by making him propraetor – which is in itself irregular since the boy, who is still too young to vote, has never held the most petty public office. However, he swallowed the bait, and now his army is cooperating with the constitutional forces raised by the new Consuls. Caesar fights for the Optimates! Whichever side you choose, you will be in good company. I think Caesar has been foolhardy. His health is weak, and every diviner foretells that as soon as his usefulness to the Optimates is ended he will succumb to a fatal fever.
‘Talking of sudden death, there are now for practical purposes only two Antonius brothers. Caius, the youngest, has been captured by Cassius in Macedonia. When I last heard he was still alive, held I suppose as a hostage in case it should ever come to bargaining. But Caesarians will never bargain with those murderers, so Caius Antonius will never see Rome again. I can’t honestly say that his death will be a blow to the Popular cause.
‘An item of late news, as the messenger mounts his horse. Word has just come that the Senate has ratified your election as Pontifex Maximus. They could hardly do less. You earned the honour when you saved their necks after the Ides of March. But if it pleases you too much, see above where I mention the equestrian statue. Good-bye.’
There was more in this letter than met the eye. Junia was evidently afraid that he would join the Optimates, in gratitude for the magnificent honours they had granted him. Aemilius Lepidus could not be bought; but he saw the situation differently. Marcus and Lucius Antonius, the two greatest scoundrels in Rome, were about to fight Decimus Brutus, another scoundrel. But
Brutus was supported by the legal government of the republic, by the new Consuls who had taken office in January, and by young Caesar, who must be regarded as titular head of the Caesarian party. Perhaps an honest patriot ought to join the side supported by all honest men.
Lepidus called a meeting of his officers, and was astonished at their reaction. Only Laterensis spoke in favour of Brutus and the legal government; the others, and Silanus in particular, saw it all in black and white, without a tinge of grey. Marcus Antonius, who had led a wing at Pharsalus, was carrying on the blood-feud against Decimus Brutus; every honest Caesarian should come to his assistance.
By March the picture had changed. The Caesarian party must be considered irretrievably split. For while the Antonius brothers besieged Decimus Brutus in Mutina, young Caesar Octavianus led his volunteers to join the Consuls in their attack on the Antonians. Silanus summed it up by saying that men who had enlisted under Caesar’s heir to avenge Caesar’s murder were now marching to the aid of Caesar’s chief murderer, besieged by Caesar’s favourite lieutenant. A Caesarian and an honest man could join either side without reproach, and no one could blame him if he remained neutral.
Lepidus was delighted to see that duty no longer compelled him to support the Antonius brothers. Perhaps all their friends were about to desert them, and they were finished. But just as he was making up his mind to offer alliance to Caesar Octavianus the situation changed again. Stuck on the wrong side of the Alps, he could not catch up with events in Rome.
This time the change was caused by the unexpected intervention of Caesarian politicians of the second rank, Plancus, governor of Further Gaul, and Pollio, governor of Further Spain; men who in normal times would not have presumed to offer advice to Marcus Antonius or Aemilius Lepidus. They wrote circular letters, suggesting a peace conference; and since messengers from Further Gaul and Further Spain must pass through Narbo to reach Rome, their messages soon became known at headquarters.
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