Axis of Evil: Post Apocalyptic EMP Survival Fiction (The Lone Star Series Book 1)

by Bobby Akart

  “There’s something I need to make perfectly clear to everyone. Shooting down an ICBM in mid-flight is not as simple as sitting behind a computer console like you’re playing a video game. And it’s never been done under live-fire conditions such as a North Korean launch. In twenty years, we’ve only conducted eighteen tests, and individually, these systems only took down ten rockets. That’s less than sixty percent per target in less-than-realistic conditions.”

  The attendees in the Roosevelt Room began to mumble among themselves. The president whispered to her chief of staff, who began to scribble some notes on a pad. Secretary Gregg allowed this number to sink in for a moment and then continued.

  “Now, that’s not to say we can’t successfully bring an ICBM down. Based upon the Pentagon’s computer models, with most likely assumptions, we believe it would take four to five of our interceptors to give us a ninety-seven percent success probability.”

  “Mr. Secretary, what you’re saying is we would have to expend five of our available interceptors to knock out one of their ICBMs?”

  “That’s correct, Madame President,” he replied.

  “With simple math, if they fired seven at us in any manner of succession, we would have exhausted our defenses against future missiles from North Korea or any other source, correct?”

  “In theory, yes, Madame President,” replied Secretary Gregg. “The deduction you’ve reached is why the Defense Department has been ringing the clarion bell for decades about North Korea’s nuclear proliferation. With every successful test, and with the continued passage of time, this rogue state can build up an arsenal that can overwhelm our existing defense levels, leaving us no choice but to react with our own offensive capabilities.”

  “You mean a nuclear war?” asked President Harman.

  Secretary Gregg stood a little taller and pulled his jacket a little tighter in the front. “In this case, pardon the colloquialism, the best defense would have to necessarily include a much better offense.”

  Chapter 22

  November 7

  The Roosevelt Room

  The White House

  Washington, DC

  The room began to settle down after the realities of Secretary Gregg’s revelations struck them. He believed in the axiom that fear was a great motivator. Sometimes, in order to move someone to act, it took blunt, straight talk with a tinge of embellishment to achieve the desired result. Although the means might be questioned, the end result—a better-prepared, safer America—was worthy.

  “Secretary Gregg, I think we all fully understand what our defensive capabilities are, and clearly, there is no margin of error,” started the president. “Before we move on to part two of our briefing, could you tell me what kind of time frames we’d be working under in the event of an attack?”

  Secretary Gregg nodded and leaned over to his aide, who efficiently produced another graphic. “Madame President, I think you’ll find this slide self-explanatory. It’s based upon our understanding of the DPRK’s technological capabilities.”

  He continued. “As you can see, at just twenty minutes’ flight time, Hawaii would be most vulnerable, but our opinion is that it’s not a primary target for the North Koreans. Most likely they’d seek out large population centers on the U.S. mainland—Los Angeles, Chicago, New York, and of course, Washington.”

  “When would our interceptors deploy, and where would they engage the ICBMs?” asked the president.

  Secretary Gregg responded, “Under our current state of readiness, Madame President, Greeley and Vandenberg would react immediately. Most likely they would intercept the ICBMs over the middle of the Pacific Ocean, approximately halfway through their projected flight time to the continental U.S. of roughly thirty-six minutes.”

  “If they miss, would we get a second chance?”

  “Possibly, but it would be with marginal success,” replied Secretary Gregg. “Once the ICBMs re-enter the Earth’s atmosphere during the terminal phase, they continue until impact or detonation. This stage takes less than a minute for a strategic warhead, which can be traveling at speeds greater than two thousand miles per hour.”

  “What are our capabilities?” asked Acton. “The THAAD system?”

  THAAD was an acronym for terminal high-altitude area defense, which was designed as the ultimate hit-to-kill interceptor for short- and medium-range ballistic missiles. The systems had been successfully deployed in Europe along Russia’s borders and into South Korea as a defense against North Korean missile attacks.

  “The THAAD system does engage ballistic missiles during the terminal stage, but the reentry speed of a long-range ICBM would make its success rate very low,” replied Secretary Gregg. “Our only defense is the GMD, ground-based interceptors, we’ve already discussed. Frankly, that’s why we’ve always suggested utilizing our first-strike options to keep the war on their side of the Pacific.”

  Secretary Gregg leaned over to his aide and advised him to leave the graphic up on the screen for now. He wanted the short time frames for the destruction of Los Angeles and other major cities to sink in to the president’s psyche.

  “Okay, let’s shift gears,” said President Harman. “I’m not going to get into the geopolitical ramifications of a first strike upon North Korea. I want to focus strictly on the mechanics. Unfortunately, we’re up against an adversary who seems to have adopted a survival-at-all costs approach in dealing with the rest of the world. I won’t go so far as to say he welcomes a military conflict, but he sure doesn’t appear to be willing to back down from one.”

  “Madame President, that is a correct assessment,” added Secretary Gregg. “I’m a believer in studying the history of warfare when planning. All military engagements provide us something to consider when making decisions about future conflicts. I’d like to say something about the 2003 Invasion of Iraq, which we all know as the Iraq War. I know that many in this room, in hindsight, argued against our reasoning and stated rationale for entering Iraq. I don’t wish to relitigate that now. What I will point out is that we chose to take the fight to the enemy on their soil, not ours. Granted, Iraq was in no position to invade America, although terrorists obviously were not afraid to do so. The end result, after many years, was a free and democratic Iraq, a weakened Iran, and the death of the radical Islamists who fought for ISIS.”

  President Harman leaned back in her chair and clasped her fingers in her lap. “Secretary Gregg, are you suggesting we need to strike North Korea first because they might invade the United States? Surely Kim Jong-un is not that stupid.”

  “On the contrary, Madame President, I think this dictator is quite cunning and, just as important, fearless,” said Secretary Gregg. “A war on U.S. soil could, by definition, include a nuclear attack, as well as a subsequent ground war. The Pentagon suggests a preemptive strike against the North Koreans to back them down by showing them who’s the boss.”

  “Please explain,” said the president.

  “We have at the ready, Madame President, awaiting your orders, a squadron of B-1 Lancer heavy bombers located at Andersen Air Force Base in Guam. The B-1 has the largest internal payload of any bird in our arsenal. We suggest sending three pairs of B-1 bombers simultaneously to pre-identified locations across North Korea. Each plane has a max payload of one hundred sixty-eight five-hundred-pound bombs. Our stealth attack would have a devastating impact on North Korea and would effectively shut down their nuclear program and quite possibly eliminate Kim Jong-un himself if we can confirm his whereabouts.”

  Secretary of State Tompkins spoke up. “In recent years, his exact location has only been based upon speculation. Only the members of his tight inner circle know for sure.”

  “Let me add this, regarding the political aspect and the world’s reaction to our proposal,” Secretary Gregg said. “We’ve specifically suggested the B-1 Lancers because they are not capable of carrying nuclear weapons, and the other major powers, including North Korea, know that. We would be sending a signal to our natio
ns that our goal is not to obliterate the North Korean people or make a bad situation worse. Our goal continues to be, and always has been, arresting their nuclear proliferation.”

  Chief of Staff Acton spoke up. “The sheer numbers of bombs you suggest dropping, over a thousand by my count, would necessarily kill many thousands of innocent Koreans and likely destroy their critical infrastructure. Wouldn’t this compel Kim Jong-un to respond with his nukes?”

  “Not if they’re destroyed by our birds,” replied Secretary Gregg, who had always labeled Acton as a dove on military matters. “Madame President, within thirty minutes of entering North Korean airspace, we could wipe them out. We’ve already been sending B-1s near their airspace as a show of force. Under our strategy, Pyongyang would think it’s more bluster on our part, until it was too late.”

  “What about loss of life on our side? Could our pilots be shot down?” asked the president.

  “Madame President, my boys are ready to do their duty in defense of their country,” replied Secretary Gregg. “When called upon, they will act with precision and honor.”

  “Our boys, Secretary Gregg,” said the president.

  The room grew silent as the president and her defense secretary studied one another. Neither was prepared to continue. For Secretary Gregg, this was the president’s last chance to sign off on the military’s preemptive-strike option. If she didn’t, the deep state’s covert plan would move forward. All he knew was that the time to act had passed long ago. It might be too late.

  “Ladies and gentlemen,” started President Harman, “do I have military options? Of course I do. As Commander-in-Chief, that’s my responsibility to consider both military and diplomatic approaches to solving an international crisis. We always want to use diplomacy as our first choice because it doesn’t involve killing innocent people on their side or the loss of life in our military. Overall, I consider our defenses to the North Korean nuclear threat to be robust. I believe we have the capability to shoot down an ICBM directed at America. And once we do, then we’ll evaluate whether a nuclear retaliation is necessary, or perhaps we’ll go the route of the B-1 bombers. Until then, we’ll stay the course. Thank you, Secretary Gregg, for your comprehensive presentation.”

  The president stood and immediately left the room, her chief of staff and political strategist in tow. Secretary Gregg tried to compose himself before he screamed out loud what he was thinking.

  Comprehensive presentation? This was not a PowerPoint dog-and-pony show for a bunch of suits in a boardroom! I’m trying to avoid an all-out nuclear war. I’m done!

  Chapter 23

  November 7

  Home of Secretary of Defense Montgomery Gregg

  Georgetown

  Washington, DC

  Another late-night meeting was called at the Georgetown home of Secretary Gregg. Once again, the attendees included Carl Braun, director of the Special Activities Division, and Billy Yancey, head of the Political Action Group. For purposes of the shadowy relationship these men shared, titles and positions didn’t matter other than the access they afforded the men. There was no hierarchy, although Secretary Gregg, as a member of the president’s cabinet, was given considerable respect in the decision-making process. By their very nature, the activities engaged in by men such as these was long-lasting and much bigger than the individuals meeting on this particular evening. Over the years, new recruits would be brought in under the veil of secrecy as men like Gregg, Braun, and Yancy retired to their ranches, mountain homes, and Caribbean retreats.

  “Gentlemen, I’ve tried my best to sway the president to do the right thing without outright lying to her,” started Secretary Gregg. “Of course, Acton and that political hack Jennings can go dig up their own military experts to disagree with me, but at least I was able to put our best foot forward and get it on the record.”

  Billy Yancey, who understood the political aspects of the president’s decision better than his counterparts, spoke first. “I believe the president recognizes the generals and admirals, speaking through you, have more experience on these issues than she does, or her politically oriented advisory team. She won’t deny herself the benefits of your wisdom. What we can’t accomplish is changing her core political belief that the best solution to dealing with a tyrant like Kim Jong-un is diplomacy. He doesn’t care about diplomacy.”

  “And biding time,” interjected Braun. “He learned from his father and achieved far more technologically than expected.”

  “Well, I think we can thank the Iranians for that,” said Secretary Gregg.

  Braun removed several folded documents from his coat pocket and handed them to Yancey and Secretary Gregg.

  “What’s this?” asked Yancey.

  “New intel just obtained from our friends at MI6,” replied Braun. “We believe these manifests establish a connection between Ukrainian-built rocket engines and North Korea via Iran.”

  Secretary Gregg studied the paperwork and looked up to Braun. “Tell me what all of this means.”

  “To bottom line it, the Security Service of Ukraine, or SBU, the country’s successor to the KGB, were working with an informant on a sting trying to bust two North Korean spies while stealing rocket technology years ago. The SBU turned the spies, and they’ve been working for the Ukrainians since. The spies gave these manifests to the SBU, who in turn sent them to MI6.”

  “I see the translator’s notes in the margins,” said Secretary Gregg. “This appears to show the Ukrainians selling rocket engines to the Iranians.”

  “Exactly, and based upon our interrogations of the crew of the FooChow, it appears those same rocket engines have been traded to North Korea in exchange for the satellite technology.”

  “Is there an obligation to take this to the president?” asked Yancey.

  Braun started laughing. “Did you seriously just ask that question, Billy? The president sees what we want her to see. Besides, my contact at MI6 is, shall I say, a like-minded thinker when it comes to Whitehall.”

  Whitehall is a road in Westminster located in Central London. It’s the recognized center of the government of the United Kingdom, including the Ministry of Defence and the Cabinet Offices.

  “Silly me.” Yancey chuckled. “Okay, so this intel is need-to-know as far as we’re concerned. My feeling is that the president wouldn’t change her position if she had access to this.” He set the documents on the coffee table next to the fireplace.

  “Agreed,” said Secretary Gregg. “I don’t think it should change our course of action. I need to address one concern of mine before we adjourn.”

  “What’s that, Monty?” asked Yancey.

  “It’s the matter of the sister, Kim Yo-jong. Are you both certain she can be trusted? I mean, her reasoning for helping us is sound, but everything I’ve read about her is that she is fiercely loyal to her brother.”

  “I understand, Monty, so let me address your concerns, because I had them as well when Carl and I first broached the topic,” said Yancey. “After our little dictator ordered the hit on his brother Kim Jong-nam in Kuala Lumpar, the National Clandestine Service decided to dig even deeper into his family ties. Ordering the death of his brother using the VX nerve agent was incredibly brutal, much worse than a quick and simple gunshot to the back of the head. Kim Jong-un was sending a message to his brother and the rest of his siblings—defy me and you will suffer immeasurable pain in your death.”

  The VX nerve agent, short for venomous X, used by the two female assassins was extremely toxic. A victim of a VX chemical attack usually died from asphyxiation due to not being able to exhale.

  Yancey continued. “His other brother, Kim Jong-chul, has lived a life of exile outside North Korea. He seems to spend most of his time in London, attending rock concerts.”

  “Big Eric Clapton fan and quite the guitarist in his own right, we’re told,” interrupted Braun.

  “He has an older sister, Kim Sul Song, who has never been photographed,” continued Yancey. “She is r
umored to be the father’s favorite child. Our intel has revealed she has played a secretive, yet significant role in the propaganda department of Kim Jong-un’s regime.”

  Secretary Gregg held up his hand, causing Yancey to pause. “Wouldn’t she be the heir apparent after we kill her brother?”

  “Not likely, mainly because of bloodlines,” replied Braun. “Kim and his sister Kim Yo-jong have the same mother. The two studied together in Bern, Switzerland. When their father died, she was close by his side, and she was instrumental in helping him consolidate power. Like her half-sister, Kim Yo-jong has spent a considerable amount of time in the DPRK’s propaganda department. Her elevation to the country’s politburo five years ago sealed her position as his closest confidante.”

  Gregg added his copy of the Ukrainian documents to the pile. Braun gathered them up and tossed them into the fire. The three men sat in silence as the paperwork burned.

  “What’s the worst-case scenario if she’s playing us?” asked Secretary Gregg.

  “It won’t matter if they’re killed or captured. The team we’ve identified is deep cover, so we can easily disavow any knowledge or involvement,” replied Yancey. “One of the men is of South Korean descent, which will point the DPRK’s attention toward their own, or at least, in the direction of North Korea.”

  “What about the other operative?” asked Secretary Gregg.

  Yancey nodded and smiled as he sat back in his chair. “Good man. Very reliable. And you’ll like this. He’s a fellow Texan.”

  Secretary Gregg smiled as well. “I’ve always said give me an army of West Point grads and I’ll win a battle. Give me a handful of Texas Aggies, and I’ll win a war. Maybe this young man from Texas can help us prevent one.”

  Chapter 24

  November 8