41. Bierther Regensburger Reichstag, 88 n. 69, Maximilian to his envoys, 27 Nov. 1640; Ruppert, Kaiserliche Politik, 243, on Ferdinand III and his ‘Hoftheologen’ in Feb. 1646.
42. Dickman, Der Westfälische Frieden, 115, quoting Johan Adler Salvius's open letter of April 1643. My account of peace-making has benefited from the generosity of Derek Croxton, who shared with me in advance of publication his work on The last Christian peace.
43. Odhner, Die Politik Schwedens, 163, Johan Adler Salvius to the Swedish regency council, 7 Sep. 1646. Salvius added the warning: ‘People are beginning to see the power of Sweden as dangerous to the Balance of Power.’
44. APW, 2nd series, B II, p. 241, Mazarin to plenipotentiaries, 7 Apr. 1645; and B V, p. 1,151, Louis XIV to plenipotentiaries, 26 Apr. 1647, drafted by Mazarin.
45. APW, 1st series, I, pp. 440–52, Instruction of Ferdinand III to Trauttmansdorff, Linz, 16 Oct. 1645, holograph. Helfferich, The Thirty Years War, 233–40, provides an English translation of the whole document.
46. APW, 2nd series, B II, p. 369, Servien to Brienne, 27 May 1645.
47. Chéruel, Correspondance de Mazarin, II, 944, to Chanut, 30 Aug. 1647.
48. Co. Do. In., LXXXIII 328 and 369, Peñaranda to Castel Rodrigo, 4 July and 2 Aug. 1647; Helfferich, The Thirty Years War, 250, quoting the diary of Clara Staiger; Buisman, Duizend jaar weer, IV, 487–500.
49. Acta Pacis Westphalicae: Supplementa electronica, provides the parallel texts of the ‘instruments of peace’ in the original and in several modern languages.
50. Johann Vogel of Nuremberg quoted in Glaser, Wittelsbach und Bayern II, 483 (in Matthew 19: 24, Christ said it was ‘easier for a camel to go through the Needle's Eye than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of heaven’); Zillhardt, ‘Zeytregister’, 224, 226. Gantet, ‘Peace celebrations’, notes that the majority of almost 200 peace celebrations held in the empire between 1648 and 1660 were, like those in Ulm, both Protestant and urban: see map on p. 655.
51. Cooper, The New Cambridge Modern History, IV, 402, quoting Oxenstierna. See also Roberts, Sweden as a great power, 155–60, resolution of the Council of State on reasons for attacking Denmark, May 1643.
52. Quotation from Roberts, ‘Queen Christina’, 198. Leijonhufvud, ‘Five centuries’, 130–1, notes two ‘completely cold decades’ in the Baltic between 1614 and 1633, keeping ships ice-bound in Stockholm far longer than usual.
53. Roberts, The Swedish imperial experience, 25.
54. Data and quotations from Roberts, ‘Queen Christina’, 200, 201, 213 n. 62 and 217. Åström, ‘The Swedish economy’, 76–7, tabulates the creation of nobles; Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power, 41–3, prints excerpts from one of these Swedish Mazarinades.
55. Details from Nordmann, ‘La crise’, 221–2. On the surplus graduates, see ch. 18 below.
56. Data and quotations from Roberts, ‘Queen Christina’, 211, 203 n. 28, and 201.
57. Roberts, ‘Queen Christina’, 204, quoting Archbishop Lennaeus.
58. Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power, 101–5, prints the Supplication of 8 Oct. 1650 OS, and on pp. 105–8 the discussions of the noble Estate on 15 Oct. See also Roberts, ‘Queen Christina’, 205, 198–9.
59. Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power, 105–8, minutes of a meeting between ‘representatives of all four estates’ and the council, 15 Oct. 1650, quoting Oxenstierna, Count Per Brahe, and Archbishop Lennaeus.
60. Bergh, Svenska riksrådets protokoll, XV, 128, Jakob de la Gardie's speech to the council, 10 Oct. 1651. See also other examples of the Swedish council's concerns about foreign revolts in ch. 18 below.
61. Nordmann, ‘La crise’, 225–6.
62. Whitelocke, A journal of the Swedish embassy, I, 191–2 and 211–19; Roberts, ‘Queen Christina’, 202 n. 26, quoting Christer Bonde, councillor of state, in 1655, with a reference to a similar remark by the queen.
63. Bygdeå data from Lindegren, ‘Frauenland und Soldatenleben’, 149–51, and ‘Men, money, and means’, 155–6. See also ch. 3 above.
64. Data on Finland from Lappalainen, ‘Finland's contribution’, 182, and Villstrand, ‘Adaptation or protestation’, 283 (conscription), 286–95 (desertion) and 308–9 (Jakob Göransson). See also Rodén, ‘The crisis’, 107–8.
65. Anon., De na-ween vande Vrede, sig. A2v.
66. Poelhekke, Vrede van Munster, 256, 258, quoting a resolution of the States of Holland, 28 Feb. 1646, and the pamphlet Ongeveynsden Nederlandtschen Patriot (1647).
67. Poelhekke, Vrede van Munster, 272, count of Castrillo to Philip IV, 3 June 1646; Prestage, Correspondência diplomática, II, 256, Sousa Coutinho to John IV, 17 Nov. 1647, quoting the French ambassador in The Hague. The marriage plan for Louis XIV fell through in October 1646 when the death of Prince Balthasar Carlos made María Theresa heiress to the Spanish throne. They nevertheless married in 1659 as part of the peace of the Pyrenees.
68. Poelhekke, Vrede van Munster, 387: Antoine Brun to the Dutch States-General, Münster, Feb. 1647.
69. Details from Buisman, Duizend jaar weer, IV, 494–508 (Reijer Anslo, ‘Op het regenachtige weer in het jaar 1648’ quoted pp. 494–5); and Gutmann, War and rural life, 233 (rye prices for Amsterdam, Liège and Maastricht; none reached such high levels again until the 1690s).
70. Israel, The Dutch Republic and the Hispanic World, 382–6, gives a good overview of the economic recession in the Netherlands. On the impact of garrison reductions, see idem, The Dutch Republic: Its rise, 612–15.
71. Anon., De na-ween vande Vrede, sig A3. Israel, The Dutch Republic: Its rise, 602, quotes other sermons that blamed the endless rain on the peace.
72. Israel, The Dutch Republic and the Hispanic world, 386 n. 31, quoting Antoine Brun to Philip IV, 25 Mar. 1650.
73. Van Aitzema, Saken, III, 440–3, letter of the Amsterdam magistrates to the States of Holland, 30 June 1650.
74. Buisman, Duizend jaar, IV, 646–55, details the unusual weather of 1672. Ten years later, Charles Le Brun painted the crossing of the Rhine as one of the episodes commemorated on the ceiling of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles.
75. Israel, ‘The Dutch role’, 116 n. 33, quoting d'Avaux to Louis, Aug. 1688.
76. Grimmelshausen, Der abenteurerliche Simplicissimus, 376 (book V, ch. 1).
77. Von Greyerz, ‘Switzerland’, 133; Suter, Der schweizerische Bauernkrieg, 326–7 and 361 on grain prices.
78. Suter, Der schweizerische Bauernkrieg, 331, Supplication to the Basel authorities, 30 Nov. 1651, and 343–52 for the economic collapse after 1648. Compare the Dutch complaints in Anon., De na-ween vande Vrede (above).
79. Suter, Der schweizerische Bauernkrieg, 94–7, discusses how various Swiss pastors and peasants interpreted the comet, and at pp. 63–71, discusses the debasement.
80. On the ‘troubles’ in Bern and Zürich, see Wahlen and Jaggi, Der schweizerische Bauernkrieg, 10–106; on Salzburg, see Heinisch, Salzburg, ch. 15; on the frequent peasant revolts in Austria, see Bierbrauer, ‘Bäuerliche Revolten’, 66–7. For the banners see ch. 17 above.
81. Livet, ‘La Guerre des Paysans’, 131, De la Barde on 4, 21 and 26 Dec. 1652. He did not report the troubles in Entlebuch until 27 Feb. 1653 and did not see it as a ‘civil war’ for another two weeks.
82. Suter, Der schweizerische Bauernkrieg, 64, quotes the ‘Neu Wilhelm Tellen Lied, im Entlebuch gemacht 1653’. The song was really about the currency devaluation, not about Tell.
83. Ibid., 150 and 330, ‘Rede’ of Pannermeister Hans Emmenegger, incorporated in the ‘Bundesbrief’ of the vassals (Untertanen) of Canton Luzern at Wolhusen, 26 Feb. 1653.
84. Ibid., 159–61 and 167, discusses the terms used in the correspondence between the cantonal authorities in spring 1653 to describe the troubles: ‘Generalaufstand’, ‘Generalmachination’ and (a neologism, no doubt from Italy) ‘Revolution’ that aimed at the ‘Extermination unseres eydtgenössischen Standts’ (161).
85. Suter, Der schweizerische Bauernkrieg, 429–37. See also Suter's detailed chronol
ogy ibid., 605–19.
86. Meadows, A narrative, 33–5. For more on the landmark winter of 1657–8 see ch. 1 above.
87. Ekman, ‘The Danish Royal Law’, 102–7, prints a translation of several clauses. Note that although Frederick signed the document, prepared by Schumacher, on 14/24 Nov. 1665, it remained unpublished until 1709.
88. Molesworth, An account of Denmark, 73, 74, 86.
89. Ogilvie, ‘Communities and the second serfdom’, 112 (slightly amended translation from the original in note 214).
90. Steinman, Bauer und Ritter, 87, quoting a letter from Baron Stein, after travelling through Mecklenburg in 1802. Hagen, ‘Seventeenth-century crisis’, provides a timely reminder that as long as areas remained depopulated, the ‘serfs’ could avoid the demands of their lords; the restrictive legislation was generally enforced only from the early eighteenth century.
91. Title from the evocative but misconceived pamphlet of Ergang, The myth of the all-destructive fury of the Thirty Years War.
92. Mortimer, Eyewitness accounts, 182 (Junius), 185 (Theile), 176–7 (Preis), and 185 (Minck); Theibault, ‘The rhetoric’, 271 (Ludolf). See also the summary data in Von Krusenstjern, Selbstzeugnisse.
93. Calculated from the list of occupations in Von Krusenstjern, Selbstzeugnisse, 259–60 (several authors had more than one occupation during their lives).
94. Von Krusenstjern, Selbstzeugnisse, rubric B 8, notes the ‘Schreibmotiv’ whenever an author gave one. See pp. 57 (Melchior Brauch of Nuremberg, a Lutheran baker, who stated explicitly that he wrote ‘für mich’), 148 (Hans Conrad Lang, a Lutheran merchant, who wrote so that his ‘Kindern mag zur Nachrichtung dienstlich sein’) and 58 (Johannes Braun, a Lutheran pastor who fled into exile, where he wrote because ‘die Schilderung unseres Unglücks und unserer Leiden … kann unseren Nachkommen in vielen Dingen lehrreich sein’).
95. Von Krusenstjern, Selbstzeugnisse, 194–5; Mortimer, Eyewitness accounts, 83, 88, chronological entries of Renner in his parish register. He paid a ransom of 400 thalers.
96. Mortimer, Eyewitness accounts, 170, quoting Schoolmaster Gerlach, near Würzburg.
97. Eckhert, The structure of plagues, 150; Outram, ‘The socio-economic relations’; Lindegren, ‘Men, money and means’, 159.
98. In the words of Theibault, German villages, 165, referring to the Werra valley, ‘The war undermined the ability of the village to reproduce itself’. See similar evidence in ch. 4 above and ch. 21 below.
99. Theibault, ‘The demography’, 12, 21.
100. Dipper, Deutsche Geschichte, 44, tabulating the estimates by Wolfgang Abel (1967), Karl Bosl and Eberhard Weis (1976), Eda Sagarra (1977), Hermann Kellenbenz (1977), Michael Mitterauer (1971) and Dipper himself. Wilson, Thirty Years War, 788, presents striking aggregate figures for the Habsburg hereditary lands.
101. Sreenivasan, The peasants of Ottobeuren, 289–91. The collapse of record-keeping, even parish registers, after 1634 makes it hard to attain greater precision on population losses.
102. Repgen, ‘Über die Geschichtsschreibung’, 10–12, on the use and meaning of ‘Katastrophe’ at this time.
103. Raynor, A social history of music, 115 and 203–4, quoting Burckhart Grossman and Heinrich Schütz. Nehlsen, ‘Song publishing’, provides a histogram of songs published in broadsheets and pamphlets 1618–49.
104. Tacke, ‘Mars, the enemy of art’, 245–8, quoting from Sandrart, Teutsche Academie der Bau-, Bild- und Mahlerey-Künste (1675); Robisheaux, Rural society, 202.
105. Wedgwood, Thirty Years War, 526.
106. Details from Gantet, ‘Peace celebrations’. She highlights the choice of 8 August, rather than 24 October, for the annual celebration: on that day in 1629 the Edict of Restitution had abolished Protestant worship in Angsburg – so the annual ceremony also reminded subsequent generations about one cause of the war.
Chapter 9 The Agony of the Iberian Peninsula, 1618–89
1. For comments and references for this chapter I thank James Amelang, Bethany Aram, Sir John Elliott, Xavier Gil, Andrew Mitchell, Alberto Marcos Martín, Martha Peach and Lorraine White.
2. IVdeDJ 82/444, duke of Sessa to Zúñiga, 28 Sep. 1600, minute; AGRB SEG 183/170v–171, Zúñiga to Juan de Ciriza, 7 Apr. 1619, copy, evaluating whether or not to prolong the truce with the Dutch Republic.
3. Elliott, Olivares, 231, Olivares to the count of Gondomar, 2 June 1625.
4. Ibid., 293, about the ‘Spanish Match’ (1623); and 290–1, the Genoese ambassador (1629). See also Firpo, Relazioni di ambasciatori Veneti, X, 110, Contarini in 1641: Olivares ‘ama le novità ed è facile ad abbraciale’.
5. Elliott, Olivares, 236, Olivares to Gondomar, 3 July 1625.
6. Elliott and La Peña, Memoriales y cartas, I, 183–93, on ‘selling the Union’ to Catalonia; Elliott, Revolt of the Catalans, 204 n. 2, Protonotorio Villanueva in Aug. 1626, on ‘familiarizing the natives’.
7. Elliott, Revolt, 238, and Vilar, La Catalogne, I, 620 n. 1, record the false calculations; García Cárcel, ‘La revolución catalana’, 121, estimated the true figure at ‘perhaps half a million people’.
8. Bronner, ‘La Unión de Armas’, 1,138 and 1,141 n. 31, Viceroy Chinchón (who had strong ties with Aragon) to a councillor of Castile, 14 Mar. 1628 and to Philip IV, 18 May 1629.
9. AHN Estado libro 857/180–1, ‘Papel que escrivió Su Magestad al Consejo Real’, Sep. 1629.
10. AHN Estado libro 714, n.p., consulta of the Council of State, 19 Oct. 1629, voto of the marques of Los Gelves; Elliott, Olivares, 365, records Olivares's prediction. Philip signed the peace of the Pyrenees in 1659.
11. AHN Estado libro 857/180–183v, ‘Papel que escribió Su Magestad’ [Sep. 1629]; AHN Estado legajo 727/59, ‘Orden de Su Magestad sobre su yda a Italia y Flandes’ [Oct. 1629].
12. AHN Estado libro 856, contains the proposals and the theologians' 32 recommendations, presented to the king on 23 Dec. 1629 (fos 159–60, recommendation of peace in Italy, and fo. 200, peace on all fronts, quoted here). The theologians also made a separate list of 15 fiscal recommendations for America on the same day: AGI IG 2690 and Bronner, ‘La unión’, 1,142–52 and 1,174–5.
13. BL Addl. Ms 14,007/229–230v, Olivares to Philip IV, 3 Jan. 1630, with royal rescript, both holograph.
14. Gelabert, Castilla Convulsa, 20, Miguel Santos de San Pedro, president of the council of Castile; Andrade e Silva, Collecção chronológica, 203–5, ‘carta regia’, 31 May 1631; Piqueras García, ‘Cédula’, 168.
15. BNL, Codex Ms 241/269–269v, Manuel de Faria e Sousa, ‘Relação de Portugal’. I thank Lorraine White for this reference.
16. Anes Alvarez and Le Flem, ‘Las crisis del siglo XVII’, 17 and 34 (Hoyuelos); BNF Ms. Esp. 156/31–36v, consulta of the Council of State, 1631–2, copy. Marcos Martín, Auge y declive, was the first modern scholar to underline the scale of the crisis of 1628–31: see his graph at p. 231.
17. AGS GA 1037, n.f., royal decrees of 16 Feb. and 22 Mar. 1631; GA 1024, n.p., ‘Papel’ of the marquis of Castrofuerte, 10 Mar. 1631.
18. BNE Ms 6760/1–4, salt declarations from Madrid's Calle Fuencarral: Don Alonso de Aguilar declared that his household of 17 would need only 1 fanega of salt, while several other householders declared ‘No salt wanted’. See ch. 11 below for Charles I's reliance on regalian rights in England, for much the same reasons, and with much the same adverse consequences.
19. Alba, Documentos Escogidos, 475, Olivares to the count of La Puebla, 28 May 1632.
20. See Gelabert, Castilla Convulsa, 71–2, quoting Philip IV.
21. Elliott, Revolt, 275–6, instructions to the Cardinal Infante as viceroy of Catalonia, 20 May 1632.
22. Ibid., 90, Viceroy to Philip IV, 31 Oct. 1626; Torres Sanz, Nyerros i cadells, appendixes 2 and 3.
23. Details from Simon i Tarrés, ‘Els anys 1627–32’; Parets, De los muchos sucesos, I, 26–8, 29–30, 74–7, 92; Betrán, La peste en Barcelona, 96–8; Peña Díaz, ‘Aproximación’; Vilar, La Catalogne, I, 589–93.
24. Quotations from Gelabert, Castilla Convulsa, 53; Guiard Larrauri, Historia de la noble villa de Bilbao, II, 90 and 102–3 (from an anonymous ‘Relación de lo suçedido en los alborotos’); and Elliott, ‘El programa de Olivares’, 434, royal apostil to a consulta on 4 Nov. 1632.
25. Elliott, Olivares, 448, Olivares to the marquis of Aytona, 6 Oct. 1632; Subrahmanyam, Explorations, 129 and n. 78, Philip IV to Viceroy Linhares, 28 Feb. 1632.
26. Elliott, Olivares, 464, consulta of the Council of State, 17 Sep. 1633, vote of Olivares; and 482, Olivares to Pieter Roose, 29 Sep. 1634.
27. AGS Guerra Antigua 1,120, n.p., paper of Olivares written in Feb. 1635; Stradling, Spain's struggle for Europe, 116, Olivares voto of 16 Jan. 1635.
28. Gelabert, Castilla Convulsa, 148 (Quevedo) and 157 (papel sellado); BNE Ms 9402/2v (harvest failures 1635–8); Gascón de Torquemada, Gaçeta, 386–8 (half of Valladolid destroyed by floods, Feb. 1636).
29. AHN Estado libro 737/446–52, consulta of the Council of State, 16 Aug. 1624, votos of the royal confessor and the marquis of Montesclaros.
30. Schwartz, ‘Silver, sugar and slaves’, 1.
31. Manuel de Melo, Epanáforas, 566–79, prints three manifestos – one in verse – of Manuelinho.
32. Valladares, Epistolario, 138 and 154, Olivares to Basto, 26 Nov. and 18 Dec. 1638 (‘no se pretendía el huevo, sino el fuero’ – a phrase later made famous by Quevedo in a polemic: see Elliott, Olivares, 527).
33. Viñas Navarro, ‘El motín de Évora’, 47, Olivares to Fray Juan de Vasconcellos, his personal envoy to Portugal, [26 Nov. 1637]; AGS SP libro 1536/3v–4, royal reply to a consulta of the Junta Grande de Portugal, 6 Nov. 1637. Oliveira, ‘Levantamientos’, 47–54, describes the invasion plans, and at 66–74, the pardon.
34. Salvado and Münch Miranda, Cartas, II, 13–16, Instructions for Torre, 19–25 July 1638; and AHEB, Seçâo Colonial 256/121v–123, patent for La Torre, 25 July 1638.
35. Elliott, Revolt, 360, paper by Olivares, 12 Mar. 1639; and 363, Olivares to Santa Coloma, 18 June 1639.
36. Co. Do. In., LXXXIV, 538, ‘Relaciones’ of the count of Peñaranda to Philip IV, 8 Jan. 1651.
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