Peqokaypata (Co. 31): A small site with no visible architectural remains. The dominant ceramic styles represented in the surface collections were Qotakalli and Formative pottery. Some Muyu Orco and incised incensario sherds, along with various other later (Killke and Inca) styles, were also recovered. The complete absence of Wari and Arahuay ceramics at Peqokaypata suggested that this site would yield information on the immediately pre-Wari occupation of the Cuzco Valley.
In other words, rather than excavating at a single large multicomponent site, we used our survey results to select particular sites that contained the specific combinations of pottery styles that we wanted to study. To investigate the Wari and pre-Wari ceramic styles of the Cuzco Valley, we selected what we believed to be a site that contained a clear Wari Period occupation with little evidence of earlier remains (Pukacancha), a site that had been occupied during both the Qotakalli and the Wari Periods (Tankarpata), and an immediately pre-Wari site (Peqokaypata). The results of these excavations are presented in Bauer and Jones (2003) and are summarized here and in Chapter 7.
Excavations revealed that the site of Pukacancha was first occupied at the beginning of the Wari Period. The ceramic collection from this site was dominated by Arahuay pottery, a local but heavily Wari-influenced pottery style that was produced during the time of the Wari occupation of Lucre Basin. However, a few black-on-cream Qotakalli fragments were found at the bottom of a shallow trash pit that provided a date of 1435 ± 65 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability AD 430–720)4 and in a higher level that dated to 1322 ± 40 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability AD 650–780).5
Our work at Tankarpata indicated that it was occupied during the Qotakalli and Wari Periods. The earliest of seven radiocarbon dates for Qotakalli remains at this site came from a deeply buried midden with an age of 1404 ± 47 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability AD 540–710).6 The latest samples came from a floor level that yielded a date of 1100 ± 45 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability AD 780–1030).7
The site of Peqokaypata contained dense deposits of Qotakalli materials and no evidence of Wari influence. We believe that it was abandoned just before, or as a result of, the arrival of the Wari in the Cuzco Valley (Bauer and Jones 2003). The site of Peqokaypata, discussed again below in reference to possible pre-Wari Altiplano influence in the region, contained Qotakalli ceramics in cultural contexts that dated from 1527 ± 40 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability AD 430–620)8 and 1439 ± 39 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability AD 540–670).9 Thus, dates from Peqokaypata suggest that the production of Qotakalli ceramics began before the expansion of the Wari from Ayacucho, and dates from Tankarpata and Pukacancha indicate that it continued to be produced into the time of the Wari occupation of the Cuzco region.
It should also be noted that a small pit that contained an unknown coarse buff ware with monochrome paint was found cut into the Formative Period deposit of the Peqokaypata site. Carbon from this feature yielded a date of 1615 ± 50 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability AD 260–570).10 Additional research in Qotakalli Period sites such as Peqokaypata will aid us in understanding the transition that occurred from the burnished earthen wares of the Formative Period and the cream-slipped ceramics of the Qotakalli Period (Bauer and Jones 2003).
Our research has also documented that there is a temporal element to the Qotakalli subtypes of black-on-cream and red-and-black-on-cream (Bauer and Jones 2003). This is best illustrated by comparing the Qotakalli sherds found in surface collections and excavations at Peqokaypata and Pukacancha. Peqokaypata was abandoned just before the Wari entered the Cuzco Valley. At this site, approximately 33 percent of all Qotakalli sherds found were classified as red-and-black-on-cream. Pukacancha, on the other hand, is a Wari Period site established about the time that the Wari entered the Cuzco region, and it was occupied for some three hundred years afterward. A small percentage of this site’s total ceramic collection was classified as Qotakalli, all of which fell into the substyle of black-on-cream. That is to say, not a single example of Qotakalli red-and-black-on-cream ceramics was recovered during the two surface collections or during our excavations at the site. It appears that the production of the Qotakalli black-on-cream pottery began early and continued throughout much of the Qotakalli Period and the Wari Period, although the quantity of its production diminished after the Wari arrival. Qotakalli red-and-black-on-cream ceramics were also produced during the Qotakalli Period, but it seems that the production of this finer substyle ended around the time of the Wari occupation in the valley. These findings are consistent with the fact that only Qotakalli black-on-cream vessels have been found in the site of Pikillacta. I return to this issue in the next chapter when discussing the development of local Wari Period ceramics in the Cuzco Valley.11
Altiplano Influence in the Cuzco Region during the Qotakalli Period
During the Qotakalli Period, the site of Pucara, approximately 200 kilometers southeast of Cuzco in the Peruvian Altiplano near Lake Titicaca, reached its largest area of influence. It is widely believed that Pucara was the center of one of the earliest and largest complex societies in the south-central Andes. Pucara ceramics, characterized by incised vessels with complex yellow and black figures painted on a dark red background (Kidder 1943; Rowe and Brandel 1971) have been found in the upper Vilcanota and Apurímac River drainages. Reconnaissance by Juan Núñez del Prado (1972), Sergio Chávez (1988), and Lizandro Lantarón Pfoccori (1988) recovered examples of Pucara ceramics throughout the Province of Chumbivilcas, some 75 kilometers south of Cuzco. Most recently, Zapata’s (1998: 313) excavations at the site of Batan Orco have provided examples of Pucara ceramics. The completion of his work will greatly increase our understanding of the relations between the Cuzco and Altiplano region during this early period of cultural development.
Two other, but slightly later, ceramic styles have been found in the Cuzco region that I believe record influence from the Altiplano area during the Qotakalli Period. The first style, called Muyu Orco, was identified in the Province of Paruro in the late 1980s (Bauer 1989; 1999; 2002).12 During our more recent survey work in the Cuzco Valley, we found Muyu Orco pottery at seventeen sites. It has also been recovered in significant quantities during excavations at Batan Orco (Zapata 1998: 313) and Rachi (Bill Sillar, personal communication, 1999).13 The proposed Altiplano connection is based on two observations.14 First, Muyu Orco ceramics are decorated with bright white, black, and orange colors painted over a polished dark red background (Photo 6.3). These colors are also used in the Altiplano ceramic traditions of Pucara and Tiwanaku but are uncommon in Wari collections. Second, various vessel forms (annulated bowls) and vessel attributes (rim scallops and pedestal bases) found in the Muyu Orco collections are frequently seen in Altiplano collections of this time period but rarely displayed in Wari assemblages (Bauer 1989; 1999: 78–81; 2002).
PHOTO 6.3. Muyu Orco ceramics
PHOTO 6.4. Incised incensarios from the Cuzco Valley
Altiplano influence in the Cuzco region during the Qotakalli Period may also be recorded by the presence of incised incensarios at numerous sites.15 Incised incensarios are annulated bowls that stand on pedestal bases; it is widely believed that they were used as ceremonial burners (Photo 6.4). They are heavily burnished and then deeply incised with dense geometric patterns. They have scalloped rims and pronounced puma-head adornments. K. Chávez (1985) has documented the widespread distribution of incised incensarios at sites between Cuzco and Lake Titicaca.16 Five additional sites with incised incensarios have been identified in the Province of Paruro (Bauer 1998), and Zapata (1998: 313) has also found them at Batan Orco. Our survey of the Cuzco Valley recorded two more sites, Co. 31 (Peqokaypata) and An. 328 (Huasao), with incised incensario fragments (Map 6.1).
As noted above, in 1999 and 2000 we conducted test excavations at the site of Peqokaypata to better understand the Qotakalli and Wari Period ceramics of the Cuzco Valley. The site was especially intriguing because it contained numerous Formative, Muyu Orco, Qotakalli, and incised incensario sherds but no
Wari or Wari-related materials. The excavations revealed several structures as well as deep middens. Carbon extracted from the top of a small platform in direct contact with a shattered incised incensario provided a date of 1422 ± 151 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability AD 530–700).17 Soon after this date the site was abandoned. Until additional data are recovered, this date may also be used for the end of early Altiplano influence in the Cuzco region. As will be discussed in the next chapter, this date also corresponds with the arrival of Wari influence in the Cuzco Valley.
In sum, from the results of our excavations at the site of Peqokaypata, it appears that Muyu Orco ceramics and incised incensarios were contemporaneous styles that were either produced in the Cuzco region or imported from a nearby area.18 They reflect southerly Altiplano artistic traditions and date to the Qotakalli Period. With the recovery of Muyu Orco ceramics and incised incensarios in the greater Cuzco region, it can be proposed that the long-established contacts between Cuzco and the Lake Titicaca region continued throughout the Qotakalli times. This interaction abruptly changed, however, with the expansion of the Wari into the Cuzco region.
The Cuzco Valley during the Qotakalli Period
Our systematic survey recorded the locations of approximately 115 sites that contained Qotakalli ceramics (Map 6.2). The sizes and distribution of these sites provide a number of insights into the social organization of the valley during the Qotakalli Period. For example, although the site of Wimpillay is still relatively large, it no longer dominates the settlement pattern of the Cuzco Basin as it did in Late Formative times.19 Instead, what we see is a greater overall density of large sites at the western end of the Cuzco Basin. Some of these sites are still well preserved, but many others have been destroyed by urban expansion.20 The location of these large Qotakalli Period sites surrounding Cuzco suggests that there may also have been a large village in the area now covered by the city. Based on these findings, it is proposed that local power was concentrated in the western end of the Cuzco Basin during the Qotakalli Period. In other words, although there was a continuation of a chiefly society in the basin from Late Formative times to the Qotakalli Period, the loci of elite occupation may have shifted slightly from the single site of Wimpillay to a dense array of sites in the area where Cuzco is now. The cluster of sites in this area during the Qotakalli Period suggests that the power and wealth of the valley may have become divided between groups of elite households located in a series of separate but closely spaced kin-based (i.e., ayllu) settlements.
MAP 6.1. Sites in the Cuzco Valley with Muyu Orco ceramics or incised incensarios
It is also important to note that there is a continuous spread of large Qotakalli sites along the southern slope of the Cuzco Basin from the city of Cuzco to the Angostura. As mentioned earlier, the two sides of the basin are geologically different. The southern side is better endowed for agricultural production, since it contains wide tributary valleys; large, flat river terraces; and numerous small streams. In contrast, the northern side contains fewer tributaries, steeper slopes, and deeply entrenched streams. Thus, the distribution pattern of Qotakalli Period villages closely reflects the areas of prime, easily irrigable agricultural land in the Cuzco Basin.
A similar correlation between the distribution of settlements and areas of good agricultural land can be seen in the Oropesa Basin. Between the Angostura and the modern town of Oropesa, the northern side of the valley becomes wider and less steep than the southern side. Consequently, in this stretch of the valley, the distribution of settlements is denser on the northern side than on the southern. Furthermore, the largest Qotakalli Period site in this section of the valley is in the area of Huasao (An. 328), which also contains the best agricultural land. The Huasao site may represent a secondary center that held a small group of elites who were subservient to Cuzco but who also held some authority over those living nearby. Or, alternatively, Huasao may have risen during this period of prehistory to hold a small chiefly society that was independent of those to the west in the Cuzco Basin and those to the east in the Lucre Basin.
MAP 6.2. Fifty-five important Qotakalli Period sites in the Cuzco Valley (AD 200–600)
Although the Lucre Basin has not been systematically surveyed, it is known to have contained several large Qotakalli Period sites. Most notable among these are the sites of Chokepukio and Mama Qolla. These sites may also have acted as chiefly centers during this period.
It should also be noted that there are important differences between the Late Formative Phase settlement pattern in the Cuzco Valley and that of the Qotakalli Period. Almost all of the highest Late Formative Phase village sites were abandoned and a host of new settlements were established along the lower valley slopes during the Qotakalli Period. Furthermore, the vast majority of the Qotakalli Period hamlets and villages were located below 3,500 m and formed a dense array of settlements along the lower valley slopes. This process of moving down to and filling up the lower valley area is suggestive of strong population growth as well as an important shift in the local economy. Although it remains to be tested through excavation, this shift from higher to lower site locations appears to represent a movement away from a mixed food economy during the Formative Period. Pollen from Lake Marcacocha suggests that Chenopodiaceae production would never again reach its Formative Period levels and that maize would hold a significantly larger role in the local economies.
The Distribution of Qotakalli Ceramics beyond the Cuzco Valley
Neutron activation analysis supports the proposition that Qotakalli ceramics were produced somewhere in the Cuzco Valley (Montoya et al. 2000), and our regional survey data suggest that a chiefly society, centered at the western end of the Cuzco Basin, flourished during the Qotakalli Period. This being so, then the distribution of Qotakalli materials outside the valley may well document the areas that fell under its influence, if not direct control, during this period.
Alan Covey (2003) has surveyed the area north of Cuzco, from Chit’apampa to the far side of the Vilcanota River between Pisaq and Calca. He reports finding two large villages and associated smaller hamlets with strong Qotakalli assemblies south of the Vilcanota River. One of the large villages is located in Chit’apampa, which is adjacent to the Cuzco Valley. The other is near Patabamba, overlooking the Vilcanota River Valley. Covey (2003) suggests that these two sites represent the centers of two small chiefly polities that may have formed early alliances with Cuzco. Importantly, he also notes that the percentage of Qotakalli materials dramatically diminishes on the far, or northern, side of the Vilcanota River. This suggests to him that the influence of Cuzco waned at the river during the Qotakalli Period.
Similar distribution data have been recorded in the area due south of Cuzco. The number of sites that contain Qotakalli ceramics declines as one leaves the Cuzco Basin and enters the Province of Paruro. They all but disappear on the far, or southern, side of the Apurímac River (Bauer 1999: 74; 2002). This suggests that, as in the north, the influence of Cuzco during this period may have spread southward until it reached the largest river.
The distribution of Qotakalli ceramics to the west of Cuzco, in the Anta plain, is not well understood, although it is likely that Anta had its own chiefdom during this period. Considerable amounts of Qotakalli materials have also been recovered in the Lucre Basin, especially at the site of Chokepukio (Barreda Murillo 1973; McEwan 1987). As noted above, although the exact nature of this site is still under investigation, it seems likely that it was the center of another large chiefly society during the Qotakalli Period.
Summary and Discussion
In this chapter I have examined the distribution patterns of sites in the Cuzco Valley immediately before the arrival of the Wari (AD 200–600). As noted in the introduction, this is one of the least-studied periods of the valley’s history, and there is still much research to be done. Nevertheless, by combining the results of our survey and test excavation programs in the valley with information produced by other researchers working in adja
cent areas, I have attempted to establish a starting point for understanding this period of regional growth and development.
MAP 6.3. Hypothetical area under the influence of Cuzco-based chiefdom during the Qotakalli Period (AD 200–600)
When the Wari entered the Cuzco region, they encountered thriving local societies. Based on a series of large villages established during the Formative Period, numerous chiefdoms had developed across the region. The largest and most powerful of these were located in the areas of greatest agricultural production, including the Plain of Anta, the Cuzco Basin, the Lucre Basin, and the Huaro Basin. Elsewhere, smaller chiefdoms also developed. Depending on their locations, these were most likely in a constant state of conflict or alliance formation with the larger polities of the region.
The center of political power in the Cuzco Basin rested near its western end, localized in a dense cluster of large villages (Map 6.3). Though this Qotakalli Period polity cast its control over the inhabitants of the Cuzco Basin, its power was most likely limited to the east and west by similarly large chiefdoms in the Plain of Anta and the Lucre Basin. To the north and south, however, there were smaller, weaker entities that may have come under its influence, if not its direct control.
The settlement pattern data suggest that strong population growth occurred during this period as well as a shift from a mixed economy toward more intensive agricultural production. Small irrigation and terrace projects may have been started at this time to increase successful maize production. Finally, it is clear that the Cuzco region was not isolated from the rest of the Andes. During this period, contact and exchange between the inhabitants of the Cuzco region and those of Altiplano societies appear to have been particularly well developed.
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