20. “Y assi parte del Cuzco, lleuandole en su compañia á todos los apocuracas y auquiconas por su soldado, y por alabarderos de su persona, á todos los orejones de mancopchurincuzco, que son caballeros, y acacacuzcos y aylloncuzcos, que son caballeros particulares; y por delanteros trae á los Quiguares y Collasuyos, y Tambos, Mascas, Chillques, Papres, y Quicchguas, Mayos Tancos, Quilliscches, y por alabarderos destos trae á los Chachapoyas y Cañares en lugar de ybanguardia ó retaguardia, todos con buena horden” (Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamayhua 1950: 273 [ca. 1613]).
21. The baptism took place on Epiphany Sunday (Three Kings Day), January 6, so the child was named Melchior, after one of the three Magi who brought gifts to the infant Jesus.
3. Human Impact and Environmental History of the Cuzco Region
1. It should be noted, however, that since most of the precipitation that falls on the Quelccaya glacier derives from Atlantic sources, its use in inferring a detailed Late Holocene climatic history for the Andean highland region is somewhat contentious (e.g., Ortlieb and Macharé 1993; Gartner 1996).
2. Several other lakes in the Cuzco region have been cored, and their samples are currently undergoing analyses (Chepstow-Lusty et al. 1998).
3. Further upstream the name of the Urubamba River changes to the Vilcanota River.
4. For detailed discussions of the research methodology, see Chepstow-Lusty et al. (1996, 1997, 1998).
5. However, they can also be sensitive to regional factors, yet separating the climatic signal from the anthropogenic response is not always simple.
6. The lowest organic deposits at Marcacocha date to around 2200 BC, and the ice cores at Quelccaya begin at about AD 500.
7. The presence of arboreal species, such as Alnus acuminata, Escallonia resinosa, and Myrsine pseudocrenata, in protected areas of the Patacancha Valley suggest that humid montane forest would have naturally occurred there before human impact. In addition, there are several fragments of Polylepis forest surviving nearby, which would have been the original vegetation of much of the Andes from 3,500 m (Chepstow-Lusty et al. 1998). These are found at Lake Cunacocha (4,000 m), 6 kilometers southeast of Marcacocha, and at Lakes Yanacocha (4,000 m) and Quellococha (4,200 m), northeast of Urubamba.
8. These plants are generally considered to be adapted to cold, seasonally dry conditions (Chepstow-Lusty et al. 1996, 1998).
9. It is also used to stabilize soils to some extent today.
10. From AD 1500 to 1720, the accumulation in the ice core was 20 percent higher than the average of the whole ice core, which spans 1,500 years.
4. The Archaic Period and the First People of the Cuzco Valley
1. For recent reviews of the Archaic Period in the central highlands, see Rick (1988), Aldenderfer (1989a, 1998), and Lynch (1999).
2. Sample AA 39779A.
3. Sample AA 39779B. The mean of these two dates is 5532 ± 49 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability: 4460 BC [88%] 4330 BC; 4290 BC [7.4%] 4250 BC).
4. Sample AA 39776. The calibrated 95.4 percent probability curve provides an uneven spread: 3330 BC (21.7%) 3220 BC; 3180 BC (3.2%) 3150 BC; 3120 BC (70.5%) 2910 BC.
5. We are currently attempting to identify the source of these obsidian flakes.
6. A few petroglyphs have been reported from the Sacred Valley area (Taca Chunga 1990), from quarries in the Lucre Basin (Protzen 1985), as well as from the areas of Ccorca, Yauri, and Canchis (Barreda 1973, 1991) south of Cuzco. Others can be seen just north of Maras.
5. The Formative Period and the Emergence of Ranked Societies
1. In earlier works, much of this era encompassed what has been called the Early Horizon, a time that is associated with the spread of the Chavin material culture across parts of northern and central Peru. This alternative temporal classification is used because no Chavin artifacts have been found in the Cuzco region and because we are becoming more concerned with local developments in the Cuzco region per se than with their possible contact with Chavin cultures to the far north.
2. Like the subdivisions within the Archaic Period, the Formative Period subdivisions (Early, Middle, and Late) are currently based on largely arbitrary dates. They are useful, nevertheless, because they divide these very long periods into shorter time units and can be used heuristically to divide and discuss the general process of cultural development that occurred during these long periods. As additional data become available, the lengths and subdivisions of these periods can be better defined.
3. Sample GX 0453. K. Chávez (1980: 214) also reports that two additional dates (I-3093 and I-3094) were obtained by Engel at the site in 1966.
4. Sample P 1562: 2571 ± 45 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability 830 BC [44.3%] 740 BC; 730 BC [51%] 520 BC).
Sample P 1563: 2661 ± 46 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability 920–780 BC).
Sample P 1564: 2685 ± 49 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability 970 BC [1.1%] 960 BC; 930 [94.3%] 790 BC).
Sample P 1566: 2860 ± 47 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability 1220–890 BC).
Sample P 1567: 2916 ± 55 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability 1300–920 BC).
5. Sample GX 203.
6. Also see Burger et al. (1998) and Burger and Asaro (1979).
7. As one of the earliest sites of the Cuzco Valley, Chanapata has received considerable archaeological attention. In 1960, Chávez Ballón excavated there with members of the Tokyo University Scientific Expedition to the Andes. Additional studies at Chanapata have been conducted by Jorge Yábar Moreno (1959, 1972, 1982), Frederick Engel, Luis Barreda Murillo, and various other faculty and students of the Universidad San Antonio Abad del Cuzco. Unfortunately, the site has been destroyed by Cuzco’s expansion.
8. Derived Chanapata is at times called Pacallamocco (Patterson 1967: 143).
9. Sample N 89.
10. Sample N 90.
11. Sample GX 203.
12. Sample BM 1633. The calibrated 95.4 percent probability curve provides an uneven spread: 800 BC (93.1%) 350 BC; 300 BC (2.3%) 200 BC.
13. Sample Beta 81424.
14. Sample Beta 81425.
15. Sample P 1560.
16. Sample P 1561. The calibrated 95.4 percent probability curve provides an uneven spread: 360 BC (5.8%) 290 BC; 240 BC (89.6%) AD 30.
17. Sample Hd 17619–17089.
18. Sample AA 39792. The calibrated 95.4 percent probability curve provides an uneven spread: AD 20 (2.1%) AD 40; AD 50 (93.3%) AD 240).
19. Sample AA 39782. A third Formative date, 3,395 ± 55 BP (Sample AA 34932), also comes from Peqokaypata, but its context is far less secure (Bauer and Jones 2003).
20. During colonial times, the area of Wimpillay was referred to as Membilla, and the large settlement that existed there is mentioned in numerous colonial documents. It is best known in the chronicles as the village where Polo de Ondegardo discovered several of the royal Inca mummies, including that of Sinchi Roca and a stone image of Manco Capac. Wimpillay was also associated with a number of sacred places, or huacas, during Inca times (Bauer 1998).
21. Quechua: Muyu = round; Orco = hill.
22. It is worth noting that five small gold items believed to have been found in a tomb in the Cuzco area most likely date to the Late Formative Phase. First reported in 1853 in the possession of the president of Peru, José Rufino Echenique, the collection includes a small inscribed disk (approximately 13.5 cm in diameter), an inscribed “plum” (approximately 13 cm long), a narrow band (56 cm long), and three small plain disks (averaging about 6 cm in diameter). The fact that a second stylistically similar inscribed disk made of copper or bronze was more recently recovered in the Cuzco region by Italo Oberti Rodríguez supports the proposition that these items were actually found in the Cuzco area. Rowe convincingly argues that the figures engraved on these items reflect the Paracas tradition of the south-central coast (Rowe 1976). The importation of such exotic items into the Cuzco region during a period of chiefdom development is consistent with well-documented patterns of elite-class formation (Earle 1997). Their probabl
e inclusion in a grave supports the notion that a group of individuals were beginning to gain sufficient power, prestige, and wealth to form a distinct elite class.
23. Sites 201 and 467 respectively (Bauer 1999, 2002).
6. The Qotakalli Period
1. Some scholars have suggested that the appearance of Qotakalli ceramics in the Cuzco sequence may record early contact with, and influence from, the Ayacucho region (Glowacki 1996). If this is the case, it seems an example of peer interaction rather than a situation of early Ayacucho dominance.
2. Because of this, Qotakalli has also been called a Wari Period style (Bauer 1999). Recent research indicates, however, that most Qotakalli production took place during the Early Intermediate Period (Bauer 2002; Bauer and Jones 2003).
3. Sample number Q 3091.
4. Sample number AA 34934.
5. Sample number AA 39791.
6. Sample number AA 39787.
7. Sample number AA 34937. The calibrated 95.4 percent probability curve provides an uneven spread: AD 780 (1.3%) AD 800; AD 820 (94.1%) AD 1030. Additional contexts in Tankarpata with Qotakalli ceramics yielded dates of 1127 ± 40 BP (sample AA 39786), 1148 ± 39 BP (sample AA 39785), 1189 ± 40 BP (sample AA 39790), 1290 ± 50 BP (sample AA 14938), 1345 ± 49 BP (sample AA 39789).
8. Sample number AA 39783.
9. Sample number AA 39781.
10. Sample number AA 34931. The calibrated 95.4 percent probability curve provides an uneven spread: AD 260 (2.0%) AD 280; AD 320 (93.4%) AD 570).
11. Neutron activation work suggests that some of the Qotakalli workshops began to produce Wari-style vessels during the Wari Period (Montoya et al. 2000).
12. Muyu Orco (Round Hill) is a common Quechua toponym. This ceramic style is named for a site near the town of Yaurisque in the Province of Paruro (Bauer 1989; 1999; 2002).
13. For other examples of Muyu Orco ceramics found in the Cuzco Valley, see Espinoza Martínez (1983) and Torres Poblete (1989).
14. It was proposed that Muyu Orco ceramics reflected a Tiwanaku influence in the Cuzco region (Bauer 1989). With the further development of the Tiwanaku sequence (Janusek 1994) and excavations at the site of Peqokaypata in the Cuzco Valley, it is now suggested that Muyu Orco represents a more generalized Altiplano influence (Bauer 2002).
15. K. Chávez (1985) suggests that incised incensarios were produced during the period of early Tiwanaku development (or Tiwanaku III [AD 100–400; Kolata 1993: 78]). Nevertheless, based on her study of their wares, vessel shapes, and motifs, she concludes that these incised incensarios do not represent imports from the Tiwanaku heartland but instead reflect a stylistic influence that spread northward from the Lake Titicaca region.
16. For a detailed description of these vessels, see K. Chávez (1985).
17. Sample AA 39784.
18. In an earlier report, I suggested that Muyu Orco ceramics post-dated incised incensarios (Bauer 1999). Based on the excavation data from Peqokaypata, I now believe that they were both produced during the late Qotakalli Period (Bauer 2002; Bauer and Jones 2003).
19. Surface collections suggest that the adjacent ceremonial site of Muyu Orco was abandoned at the end of the Late Formative. This conclusion is supported by recent excavations that uncovered no Qotakalli Period remains on the hill (Zapata 1998).
20. Among the most important destroyed sites are: Colcapata [An. 361] (Valencia Zegarra 1984), Coripata [Cu. 155] (Cumpa Palacios 1988), and Aqomoqo [An. 227] (Espinoza Martínez 1983).
7. The Wari Period in the Cuzco Region
1. This is a slightly different terminology than has been used in earlier works discussing the ceramic styles of the Cuzco region (Bauer 1999, 2002). The refinement is based on our increased understanding of the local and imported ceramics of the Cuzco region over several additional years of research.
2. Sample AA 34938.
3. Sample AA 34935. The calibrated 95.4 percent probability curve provides an uneven spread: AD 680 (89.7%) AD 900; AD 920 (5.7%) AD 960.
4. The level of Wari influence on the central coastal areas of Peru is still a topic of many debates, but it is clear that the Wari controlled the core area of Ayacucho as well as several other regions in the highland.
5. Both Cieza de León and Squier called Pikillacta “Muyna.” Squier (1877: 419–422) referred to the Inca gateway of the Cuzco Valley, currently known as Rumi Colcha, as “Piquillacta.” Cieza de León (1976: 261 [1551: Pt. 1, Ch. 97]) mentions Rumi Colcha but does not give it a name.
6. “Hubo en este mohína grandes edificios: ya están todos perdidos y deshechos. Y cuando al gobernador don Francisco Pizarro entré en el Cuzco con los Españoles, dicen que hallaron cerca destos edificios, y en ellos mismos mucha cantidad de plata y de oro y mayor de ropa de la preciada y rica que otras veces he notado. Y a algunos Españoles he oydo decir, que hubo en este lugar un bulto de piedras, conforme al talle de un hombre, con manera de vestidura larga y cuentas en la mano: y otras figuras y bultos” (Cieza de León 1995: 267 [1553: Pt. 1, Ch. 97]).
7. For modern examples of the use of ayllu labor to build public monuments, see Urton (1984).
8. Sample AA 34937. The calibrated 95.4 percent probability curve provides an uneven spread: AD 780 (1.3%) AD 800; AD 820 (94.2%) AD 1030.
9. Sample AA 35003.
10. In Late Prehistoric and Early Colonial times, the area of Coripata was called Cayaocache. This large village is mentioned by a number of different writers (see Bauer 1998: 124).
11. For a discussion of Wari dates from across the Andes, see Williams (2001).
12. See samples TX 4750 and TX 4751 in the Appendix.
13. See samples Beta-43233, Beta-43230, and Beta-43232 in the Appendix.
14. See samples AA 34938 and AA 39791 in the Appendix.
15. Sample AA 39784.
8. The Development of the Inca State
1. Sections of this chapter have appeared in Bauer (1992a) and Bauer and Covey (2002). They are reproduced here with permission of the University of Texas Press and the American Anthropological Association.
2. The Pacariqtambo Archaeological Project.
3. The Cuzco Valley Archaeological Project.
4. The Sacred Valley Archaeological Project.
5. Each of the survey projects followed essentially the same methodology, as described in Chapter 1 of this book.
6. For additional examples of Killke and Killke-related ceramics in the Cuzco region, see Rivera Dorado (1971a, 1971b, 1972, 1973), Barreda Murillo (1973), Kendall (1974, 1976, 1985), González Corrales (1984), and Lunt (1984, 1987).
7. Sample number GaK 2958.
8. Sample number B 277494.
9. An additional Killke Period carbon sample has been recorded by Kendall (1985: 347) at Ancasmarca. The sample yielded a date of 660 ± 60 BP (calibration 94.5% probability AD 1260–1410 [sample UCLA 1676M]).
10. For a more detailed reporting of these findings, see Bauer (1992a).
11. The large-scale complexity of settlement in the Cuzco Basin and the relatively small-scale organization to its south during the Killke Period demonstrate the historical inaccuracy of migration accounts present in Inca origin myths (Bauer 1991; 1992a: 120–123).
12. The Mayu, Equero, Cancu Conchacalla, and Anta all lived on or around the Plain of Anta (Bauer and Barrionuevo Orosco 1998).
13. It is also worth noting that a lord of Anta gave his daughter, Chimbo Orma, to the Lord of the Ayarmaca (Tocay Capac) as a secondary wife (Sarmiento 1906: 53 [1572: Ch. 22]).
14. “Y antes que Inga Roca muriese, hizo amistades con Tocay Capac por medio de Mama Chicya, hija de Tocay Capac, que casó con Yaguar Guaca, y Inga Roca dió otra su hija, llamada Curi Occllo, por mujer á Tocay Capac” (Sarmiento de Gamboa 1906: 54 [1572: Ch. 22]).
15. This site is mentioned by Sarmiento de Gamboa (1906: 73 [1572: Ch. 35]). For a recent study of Huata, see Vera Robles (1998).
16. The site size is somewhat deceptive because the slopes of the mountain below the principal zones of buildings and
domestic terraces are covered with small, irregular agricultural terraces that may have included some habitations.
17. “Y luego fue sobre los pueblos de Mohina y Pinagua, Casacancha y Rondocancha, cinco leguas pequeñas del Cuzco, que ya se habían puesto en libertad, aunque Yaguar Guaca los había destruido. Y los asoló y mató á los más de los naturales y á sus cinches, que también en este tiempo se llamaban Muyna Pongo y Guaman Topa. Hízoseles esta guerra y crueldades, porque decían, que eran libres y no le habían de servir, ni ser sus vasallos” (Sarmiento de Gamboa 1906: 57–58 [1572: Ch. 25]).
18. Their name, however, lives on in a small village on the lower slopes of Pachatusan Mountain, above the ruins of Chokepukio.
19. “En tiempos pasados en el angostura del desaguadero de la laguna de Muyna estaua en el un lado, en unos edificios viejos, un pueblo que se decía Pinagua-Chuquimatero . . .” (Espinoza Soriano 1974: 205).
20. Our survey did find a much smaller site (Co. 129 [Pungurhuaylla]) with a wall built in a similar masonry style; however, the function of the wall is not known.
21. Some writers also report that the wife of Capac Yupanqui, Curi Hilpay, was from the Ayarmaca as well.
9. The Cuzco Valley during Imperial Inca Rule
1. Saño is Quechua for “clay.”
2. Sample BM 930.
3. Sample ISGS 545.
4. 200 ± 80 BP, Sample ANU 5838.
5. Samples ANU 5839 and ANU 5840.
6. Samples AA 1530, AA 1407B, AA 2215, Ua 170, and Ua 1710.
7. Sample AA 34936.
8. There are also a number of descriptions of Inca ceramics found outside the Inca heartland, ranging from Ecuador to Argentina (for example, Jijón y Caamaño and Larrea M. 1918; Jijón y Caamaño 1934; Baca 1974, 1989; Meyers 1975; D’Altroy and Bishop 1990; Calderari 1991; Calderari and Williams 1991; D’Altroy 1992, 2001; Hayashida 1998, 1999; Costin 2001; Bray 2003).
9. Sample UCLA 1676G.
10. See Appendix: Samples SI 6987, SI 6988A, SI 6988B, and SI 6990.
11. Sample Ua 1709.
12. See Morris (1967, 1992), Earle et al. (1980), Earle and D’Altroy (1982), D’Altroy and Hastorf (1984), D’Altroy and Earle (1985), LeVine (1985, 1992), D’Altroy (1992).
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