147. Erik Levi, Music in the Third Reich (New York, 1994), p. 80.
148. Ibid.
149. Ibid., pp. 80ff.
150. O. D. Kulka, “The ‘Reichsvereinigung of the Jews in Germany’ (1938/9–1943),” in Patterns of Jewish Leadership in Nazi Europe, 1933–1945, ed. Cynthia J. Haft and Yisrael Gutman (Jerusalem, 1979), p. 56.
151. The Gestapo had the addresses of all Jews in Baden and the Palatinate, as everywhere else in the Reich, on the basis of the Judenkartei, the regularly updated list of all members of the community, established by every local Reichsvereinigung office. See among others, David Martin Luebke and Sybil Milton, “Locating the Victim: An Overview of Census-Taking, Tabulation Technology, and Persecution in Nazi Germany,” IEEE Annals of the History of Computing 16, no. 3 (1994), pp. 25ff and in particular 33.
152. Yahil, The Holocaust, p. 234
153. Paul Sauer, “Otto Hirsch (1885–1941): Director of the Reichsvertretung,” in Yearbook of the Leo Baeck Institute (1987), p. 367.
154. For an assessment of the ghetto population on May 1, 1940, see Lucjan Dobroszycki, Introduction, in The Chronicle of the Lódz Ghetto, 1941–1944 (New Haven, 1984), p. xxxix n. 103.
155. For the ghetto’s isolation, see ibid., pp. xxxiiiff.
156. For these statistics see Alan Adelson and Robert Lapides, eds., Lodz Ghetto: Inside a Community Under Siege (New York: 1989), p. 36.
157. Frank, Diensttagebuch, p. 281.
158. Emanuel Ringelblum, Notes from the Warsaw Ghetto: The Journal of Emmanuel Ringelblum, ed. Jacob Sloan (New York, 1974), pp. 61–62.
159. Kaplan, Scroll of Agony: The Warsaw Diary of Chaim A. Kaplan, p. 203.
160. Czerniaków, Warsaw Diary, p. 206.
161. Yisrael Gutman, The Jews of Warsaw, 1939–1943: Ghetto, Underground, Revolt (Bloomington, 1982), p. 63.
162. Isaiah Trunk, Judenrat: The Jewish Councils in Eastern Europe under Nazi Occupation (New York, 1972), p. 145.
163. Antony Polonsky and Norman Davies, eds., Jews in Eastern Poland and the USSR, 1939–46 (New York, 1991), p. 288.
164. For Ringelblum’s comments see Yitzhak Arad, Yisrael Gutman and Abraham Margaliot, eds., Documents on the Holocaust: Selected Sources on the Destruction of the Jews of Germany and Austria, Poland, and the Soviet Union (Lincoln, NE, and Jerusalem, 1999), pp. 235–36.
165. For all biographical details, see Derek Bowman, introduction to Dawid Rubinowicz, The Diary of Dawid Rubinowicz (Edmonds, WA, 1982), pp. viiff.
166. Ibid., p. 3.
167. Ibid.
168. Ibid., p. 5.
169. Ibid., p. 6.
170. Walter Manoschek, ed., “Es gibt nur eines für das Judentum—Vernichtung”: Das Judenbild in deutschen Soldatenbriefen 1939–1944 (Hamburg, 1997), p. 18.
171. Ibid., p. 16.
172. Ibid., p. 19.
173. In the fall of 1940 the Jewish population included refugees from Holland and Belgium who did not return to their countries and, from the end of October 1940 on, also the Jews expelled from Baden, the Saar, and the Palatinate. These numbers, all based on post–June 1940 computations, do not include some 10,000 to 15,000 Jewish prisoners of war, nor do they take into account that in the various censuses, a few thousand foreign Jews did not register. See André Kaspi, Les Juifs pendant l’occupation (Paris, 1991), pp. 18ff.
174. On this period of harmony see, among others, Paula Hyman, From Dreyfus to Vichy: The Remaking of French Jewry, 1906–1939 (New York, 1979), pp. 33ff. See also Saul Friedländer, The Third Reich and the Jews, vol. 1, chapter 7.
175. About this policy reversal, see Regina M. Delacor, “From Potential Friends to Potential Enemies: The Internment of ‘Hostile Foreigners’ in France at the Beginning of the Second World War,” Journal of Contemporary History 35, no. 3 (July 2000), pp. 361ff.
176. For these events see mainly Grynberg, Les camps de la honte and Anne Grynberg, “1939–1940: L’Internement en temps de guerre. Les politiques de la France et de la Grande-Bretagne,” Vingtième Siècle: Revue d’Histoire (1997), pp. 24ff.
177. Lion Feuchtwanger, The Devil in France: My Encounter with Him in the Summer of 1940 (New York, 1941), p. 8. For another particularly vivid description of incarceration at Le Vernet and of the outbursts of French anti-Semitism during the collapse of the country, see Arthur Koestler, Scum of the Earth (New York, 1947), pp. 96ff., 142, 193, 237ff.
178. Renée Poznanski, Être juif en France pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale (Paris, 1994), p. 55.
179. Quoted in Burrin, France Under the Germans, p. 56.
180. Kaspi, Les Juifs pendant l’occupation, p. 56.
181. Jeannine Verdès-Leroux, Refus et violences: Politique et littérature à l’extrême droite des années trente aux retombées de la Libération (Paris, 1996), p. 164.
182. The best analysis of these personalities and parties is in Burrin, France Under the Germans, and in Philippe Burrin, La dérive fasciste: Doriot, Déat, Bergery, 1933–1945 (Paris, 1986).
183. Foreign Relations of the United States, General and Europe 1940, vol. 2 (Washington, D.C., 1957), p. 565.
184. A 1927 law had eased the naturalization process. The intention of Alibert’s commission was clear: Forty percent of the naturalizations that were cancelled were those of Jews. See Robert O. Paxton, Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order, 1940–1944 (New York, 2001), p. 171.
185. Michael R. Marrus and Robert O. Paxton, Vichy et les juifs (Paris, 1990), pp. 17–18.
186. For the full text of both laws, see ibid., p. 399–401.
187. Pétain’s own anti-Semitism was apparently fed by his wife (La Maréchale) and by his physician, Dr. Bernard Ménétrel. See Denis Peschanski, Vichy, 1940–1944: Contrôle et exclusion (Bruxelles, 1997), p. 78.
188. Scholarly studies of these issues and of French anti-Jewish policies during the war are very extensive by now. Of necessity, only a few will be mentioned in this volume. On the responsibility regarding the statutes of October 1940 (and June 1941) and various reactions see in particular Denis Peschanski, “The Statutes on Jews, October 3, 1940 and June 2, 1941,” Yad Vashem Studies 22 (1992), pp. 65ff.; Pierre Laborie, “The Jewish Statutes in Vichy France and Public Opinion,” Yad Vashem Studies 22 (1992), pp. 89ff; Renée Poznanski, “The Jews of France and the Statutes on Jews, 1940–1941,” Yad Vashem Studies 22 (1992), pp. 115ff.
189. Quoted in Kaspi, Les Juifs pendant l’occupation, pp. 61–62.
190. Peschanski, Vichy, 1940–1944: Contrôle et exclusion, p. 180.
191. Marrus and Paxton, Vichy et les juifs, p. 28.
192. François Bédarida and Renée Bédarida, “La Persécution des Juifs,” in La France des années noires, vol. 2, De l’occupation à la libération, ed. Jean-Pierre Azéma and François Bédarida (Paris, 1993), pp. 135–36.
193. Quoted in Pierre Birnbaum, Anti-Semitism in France: A Political History from Léon Blum to the Present (Oxford, 1992), p. 183.
194. Ibid., p. 185.
195. In a book published in 1947, L’Église Catholique en France sous l’occupation, Monsignor Guerry himself reproduced the gist of the declaration, possibly without even perceiving its problematic aspect. For a very mild discussion of this issue see Jean-Marie Mayeur, “Les Églises devant la Persécution des Juifs en France,” in La France et la question juive: 1940–1944, ed. Georges Wellers, André Kaspi, and Serge Klarsfeld (Paris, 1981), p. 151ff.
196. For example the bishop of Grenoble and the archbishop of Chambéry, ibid., p. 143 n. 11.
197. For a good summary of these attitudes, see François Delpech, “L’Episcopat et la persecution des juifs et des étrangers,” in Églises et chrétiens dans la IIe Guerre mondiale (Lyon, 1978).
198. Quoted in Michèle Cointet, L’Église Sous Vichy, 1940–1945. La repentance en question (Paris, 1998), pp. 187–88.
199. Marrus and Paxton, Vichy et les juifs, pp. 203–4.
200. Regarding Abetz’s role and his use of anti-Semitism for his own political ambitions, see Barbara Lamb
auer, “Opportunistischer Antisemitismus: Der deutscher Botschafter Otto Abetz und die Judenverfolgang in Frankreich,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 2 (2005), pp. 241ff and in particular pp. 247ff. See also Ahlrich Meyer, Täter im Verhör: Die Endlösung der Judenfrage in Frankreich 1940–1944 (Darmstadt, 2005), pp. 23ff. Thus the initial role of the German military administration had to be nuanced. For the traditional interpretation see Ulrich Herbert, “Die deutsche Militärverwaltung in Paris und die Deportation der französischen Juden,” in Von der Aufgabe der Freiheit: Politische Verantwortung und bürgerliche Gesellschaft im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert: Festschrift für Hans Mommsen zum 5. November 1995, ed. Christian Jansen, Lutz Niethammer, and Bernd Weisbrod (Berlin, 1995), p. 431; Serge Klarsfeld, Vichy-Auschwitz: Le rôle de Vichy dans la solution finale de la question juive en France, 1943–1944 (Paris, 1985), p. 356. For Hitler’s initial order see Franz Halder, Kriegstagebuch: Tägliche Aufzeichnungen des Chefs des Generalstabes des Heeres, 1939–1942, ed. Hans Adolf Jacobsen, vol. 2 (Stuttgart, 1962–64), p. 77.
201. Herbert, “Die deutsche Militärverwaltung in Paris und die Deportation der französischen Juden,” p. 432.
202. Ibid., p. 433.
203. Ibid.
204. Poznanski, Être juif, p. 67.
205. Ibid., pp. 67ff.
206. Ibid., pp. 68–69.
207. Renée Poznanski, Jews in France during World War II (Waltham, MA, 2001), p. 85.
208. Herbert R. Lottman, La Rive gauche: Du Front populaire à la guerre froide (Paris, 1981), pp. 303–4. For a sample of the categories of forbidden authors of books, see Verdès-Leroux, Refus et violences, p. 149. All Jewish authors were excluded, whereas in many other cases the exclusion targeted only specific books.
209. Burrin, France under the Germans, p. 29.
210. Ibid.
211. See Lutz Raphael, “Die Pariser Universität unter deutscher Besatzung 1940–1944,” in Universitäten im nationalsozialistisch beherrschten Europa, ed. Dieter Langewiesche, Geschichte und Gesellschaft 23, no 4. (1997), pp. 511–12, 522. Some protests against the anti-Jewish measures were expressed by a few faculty members, but these were rare exceptions in a climate of indifference and acceptance (ibid., p. 523).
212. Burrin, France under the Germans, p. 307.
213. Ibid., p. 308.
214. Ibid.
215. Simon Schwarzfuchs, Aux prises avec Vichy: Histoire politique des Juifs de France, 1940–1944 (Paris, 1998), p. 73.
216. Ibid.
217. For Lambert’s prewar biography see Richard Cohen, introduction in Raymond-Raoul Lambert, Carnet d’un témoin: 1940–1943, ed. Richard I. Cohen (Paris, 1985); for Biélinky’s prewar life see Renée Poznanski, introduction to Jacques Biélinky, Journal, 1940–1942: Un journaliste juif à Paris sous l’Occupation, ed. Renée Poznanski (Paris, 1992).
218. Lambert, Carnet d’un témoin, p. 72.
219. Ibid., p. 83.
220. Ibid., pp. 85–86.
221. Biélinky, Journal, p. 57.
222. See Pierre Birnbaum, Prier pour l’État: Les juifs, l’alliance royale et la démocratie (Paris, 2005), p. 117.
223. Biélinky, Journal, p. 106.
224. For the details of the negotiations between Dannecker and the Jewish organizations, see Jacques Adler, The Jews of Paris and the Final Solution: Communal Response and Internal Conflicts, 1940–1944 (New York, 1987), p. 53ff.
225. Bob Moore, Victims and Survivors: The Nazi Persecution of the Jews in the Netherlands, 1940–1945 (London, 1997), p. 45.
226. Manoschek, “Es gibt nur eines für das Judentum,” p. 13.
227. Moore, Victims and Survivors, p. 49.
228. Louis de Jong, “Jews and Non-Jews in Nazi-Occupied Holland,” in The Nazi Holocaust: Historical Articles on the Destruction of European Jews, ed. Michael R. Marrus (Westport, 1989), vol. 4: The Final Solution Outside Germany (I), pp. 130–31.
229. For a general study of the German occupation of Holland and Dutch cooperation see Gerhard Hirschfeld, Nazi Rule and Dutch Collaboration: The Netherlands under German Occupation, 1940–1945 (Oxford, 1988).
230. Moore, Victims and Survivors, p. 57.
231. B. A. Sijes, “The Position of the Jews During the German Occupation of the Netherlands: Some Observations,” in The Nazi Holocaust: Historical Articles on the Destruction of European Jews, ed. Michael R. Marrus (Westport, CT, 1989) vol. 4, p. 153.
232. Joseph Michman, “The Controversial Stand of the Joodse Raad in the Netherlands: Lodewijk E. Visser’s Struggle,” Yad Vashem Studies 10 (1974), p. 13.
233. Moore, Victims and Survivors, pp. 196ff.
234. Guus Meershoek, “The Amsterdam Police and the Persecution of the Jews,” in Holocaust: Critical Concepts in Historical Studies, vol. 3, ed. David Cesarani (New York, 2004), p. 540.
235. For further details see J. Presser, Ashes in the Wind: The Destruction of Dutch Jewry (Detroit, 1988), p. 50.
236. Quoted in ibid., p. 27–28.
237. For a detailed account see Gerhard Hirschfeld, “Die Universität Leyden unter dem Nationalsozialismus,” in Universitäten im nationalsozialistisch beherrschten Europa, ed. Dieter Langewiesche, Geschichte und Gesellschaft 23, vol. 4 (1997) pp. 573ff.
238. DGFP: Series D, vol. 11, p. 1120.
239. Quoted in Röhm and Thierfelder, Juden, vol. 3, part 2, p. 270.
240. Benjamin Leo Wessels, Ben’s Story: Holocaust Letters with Selections from the Dutch Underground Press, ed. Kees W. Bolle (Carbondale, IL, 2001), p. 21.
241. Ibid., pp. 21ff.
242. Claude Singer, Vichy, l’université et les juifs: Les silences et la mémoire (Paris, 1992), pp. 163ff. There were of course many private expressions of sympathy and one known resignation in protest against the anti-Jewish measures, that of a high official of the education system in Paris, Gustave Monod (ibid., p. 100). For some letters of sympathy see in particular ibid., pp. 379–82.
243. Marcel Baudot, “Les Mouvements de Résistance devant la persécution des juifs,” in La France et la question juive: 1940–1944, ed. Georges Wellers, André Kaspi, and Serge Klarsfeld (Paris, 1981), p. 279.
244. Klemperer, I Will Bear Witness, vol. 1, pp. 340–41.
245. A privileged mixed marriage was one whose children were not raised as Jews; its members were exempted from anti-Jewish measures. A nonprivileged mixed marriage was one whose children were raised as Jews, or a childless union like that of the Klemperers. Usually, even in the case of nonprivileged mixed marriages, deportations were delayed if the Jewish partner was a convert or if the Jewish partner was the wife.
246. Ruth Zariz, ed., Mikhtave halutsim mi-Polin ha-kevushah, 1940–1944 (Ramat Ef ’al, 1994), p. 51.
247. Walter Benjamin, Correspondence, vol. 2, p. 861.
248. Walter Benjamin, Briefe, ed., Gershom Scholem and Theodor Adorno, vol. 2 (Frankfurt am Main, 1978), p. 846.
249. Hannah Arendt “Introduction” to Walter Benjamin, Illuminations: Essays and Reflections, New York, 1968, p. 18.
Chapter 3: December 1940–June 1941
1. Joseph Goebbels, Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels: Sämtliche Fragmente, ed. Elke Fröhlich, part 1, vol. 9 (Munich, 1998), pp. 377–78.
2. Ibid., p. 379.
3. Franz Halder, Kriegstagebuch: Tägliche Aufzeichnungen des Chefs des Generalstabes des Heeres, 1939–1942, ed. Hans Adolf Jacobsen, vol. 2 (Stuttgart, 1962–64), pp. 21, 31, 32, 34, 36, mainly 49ff.
4. The draft of the treaty indicates that “America” was its main target, at least on paper. DGFP: Series D, vol. 11, p. 188.
5. On the president’s stand and German reactions, see Saul Friedländer, Prelude to Downfall: Hitler and the United States, 1939–41 (New York, 1967), pp. 165ff.
6. Ibid., p. 171.
7. Adolf Hitler, Hitler: Reden und Proklamationen, 1932–1945: Kommentiert von einem deutschen Zeitgenossen, ed. Max Domarus, part 2 (Leonberg, 1987–88), pp. 1663–64.
8. KTB/OKW (3/3/1941), quoted in Jürgen Förster, “Operation Barbarossa as
a War of Conquest and Annihilation,” in The Attack on the Soviet Union, ed. Horst Boog, Germany and the Second World War (Oxford, 1998), p. 185.
9. Halder, Kriegstagebuch, vol. 2, pp. 336–37.
10. For a discussion of Eckart’s pamphlet see Friedländer, Nazi Germany and the Jews, Volume I, pp. 97–98.
11. For Hitler’s interpretation of the role played by the Jews in Russia/the Soviet Union, see Adolf Hitler, Hitler’s Second Book: The Unpublished Sequel to Mein Kampf, ed. Gerhard L. Weinberg (New York, 2003), pp. 144ff., 150ff., and 232ff.
12. Sometimes Hitler’s utterances give the impression that, in his view, Stalin had liquidated the “Jewish” part of Judeo-Bolshevism, particularly regarding the political commissars. Thus, on January 7, 1941, he declared to the Bulgarian prime minister, Bogdan Filov, “First, the Bolshevists installed Jewish commissars, who tortured their former opponents to death. Next came the Russian commissars who, in turn, displaced the Jews.” (DGFP: Series D, vol. 11, p. 1023). Of course it may have been an indirect way of justifying to a foreign leader his arrangement with the Soviet Union: It was no longer Jewish.
13. These interpretations appear in Arno J. Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken?: The Final Solution in History (New York, 1988).
14. The negotiations between SS and army started much earlier than was thought for a long time; discussions were already ongoing in February 1941. See Richard Breitman, The Architect of Genocide: Himmler and the Final Solution (New York, 1991), pp. 149–150.
15. For the changing preambles attached to this order that at first pointed specifically to the Jews but then, however, remained limited to security arguments, see Christopher R. Browning and Jürgen Matthäus, The Origins of the Final Solution: The Evolution of Nazi Jewish policy, September 1939–March 1942 (Lincoln, NE, 2004), pp. 219–20.
16. For the text of the guidelines, see Peter Longerich and Dieter Pohl, eds., Die Ermordung der europäischen Juden: Eine umfassende Dokumentation des Holocaust 1941–1945 (Munich, 1989), p. 136.
17. Browning and Matthäus, The Origins of the Final Solution, pp. 222–23.
18. For discussions and supplementary decrees stemming from the order, see ibid., pp. 220–22.
19. Quoted in Manfred Messerschmidt; Die Wehrmacht im NS-Staat; Zeit der Indoktrination (Hamburg, 1969), pp. 326ff.
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