140. Papen, “Schützenhilfe,” p. 29.
141. Ibid.
142. Monica Kingreen, “Raubzüge einer Stadtverwaltung: Frankfurt am Main und die Aneignung ‘Jüdischen Besitzes,’” Beiträge zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus 17 (2001), pp. 32ff.
143. Ibid.
144. Ibid.
145. Quoted in Hector Feliciano, The Lost Museum: The Nazi Conspiracy to Steal the World’s Greatest Works of Art (New York, 1997), p. 33.
146. For the details, see mainly Jonathan Petropoulos, Art as Politics in the Third Reich (Chapel Hill, 1996), p. 129.
147. Ibid., p. 130.
148. Pätzold, Verfolgung, p. 285.
149. Ulrich von Hassell, Die Hassell-Tagebücher 1938–1944: Aufzeichnungen vom Andern Deutschland, ed. Klaus Peter Reiss (unter Mitarbeit) and Freiherr Friedrich Hiller von Gaertringen (Berlin, 1988), p. 254.
150. Manoschek, “Es gibt nur eines für das Judentum—Vernichtung,” p. 16.
151. Kater, Das “Ahnenerbe,” p. 254.
152. Hitler, Reden, part 2, pp. 1663–64.
153. Mihail Sebastian, Journal, 1935–1944 (Chicago, 2000), p. 316. For a more graphic description of the “bestial ferocity,” see particularly the report sent by the U.S. minister in Bucharest, Gunther, to the secretary of state, on January 30, 1941. Foreign Relations of the United States, Europe, 1941, vol. 2 (Washington, DC, 1959), p. 860. The German minister to Romania, SA leader Manfred von Killinger, mentioned on January 23 Antonescu’s description of “unbelievably brutal acts…. The 693 Jews who were interned in Jilava dead under the most shameful torture.” DGFP: Series D, vol. 11, p. 1175.
154. For a general survey of Romanian anti-Semitism see Leon Volovici, Nationalist Ideology and Antisemitism: The Case of Romanian Intellectuals in the 1930s (Oxford, 1991); Stephen Fischer-Galati, “The Legacy of Anti-Semitism,” in The Tragedy of Romanian Jewry, ed. Randolph L. Braham (New York, 1994), mainly p. 10ff.
155. Quoted in Volovici, Nationalist Ideology, p. 63.
156. Quoted in Jean Ancel, “The ‘Christian’ Regimes of Romania and the Jews, 1940–1942,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 7, no. 1 (1993), p. 16. Among the young Iron Guard intellectual anti-Semites, the future world-renowned historian of religion Mircea Eliade was probably one of the most rabid. As Warsaw crumbled under the German onslaught, in September 1939, Eliade declared: “The Poles’ resistance in Warsaw is a Jewish resistance. Only Yids are capable of the blackmail of putting women and children in the frontline to take advantage of the Germans’ sense of scruple…What is happening on the frontier of Bukovina is a scandal, because new waves of Jews are flooding into the country. Rather than a Romania again invaded by kikes, it would be better to have a German protectorate.” Sebastian, Journal, p. 238.
157. Fischer-Galati, “The Legacy of Anti-Semitism,” mainly pp. 19ff.
158. Foreign Relations of the United States Europe, 1940, vol. 2, p. 764.
159. Ibid., p. 774.
160. Ibid., 1941, vol. 2, p. 860.
161. Anne Grynberg, Les Camps de la honte: Les internés juifs des camps français, 1939–1944 (Paris, 1991), p. 12. In a meeting at the German embassy on February 2, 1941, Dannecker confirmed these data. See Serge Klarsfeld, ed., Die Endlösung der Judenfrage in Frankreich: Deutsche Dokumente 1941–1944 (Paris, 1977), p. 17.
162. Matteoli Commission, “Interim Report,” p. 181, quoted and translated in Michael J. Bazyler, Holocaust Justice: The Battle for Restitution in America’s Courts (New York, 2003), p. 175.
163. See Philippe Verheyde, “L’aryanisation economique: Le cas des grandes entreprises,” Revue d’Histoire de la Shoah: Le monde juif 168 (Jan.–Apr. 2000).
164. Klarsfeld, Die Endlösung, p. 13.
165. Pätzold, Verfolgung, pp. 281–82.
166. DGFP: Series D, vol. 12 (Washington, DC, 1962), p. 228.
167. For details on the establishment of the CGQJ and on Vallat’s activities, see Michael R. Marrus and Robert O. Paxton, Vichy et les juifs (Paris, 1990), pp. 79ff.
168. The Commissariat Général even established its own police unit (La Police aux Questions Juives, or PQJ), but after a year or so, it became obvious to both the Germans and the French that this special police force did not have the means for systematic action. It was finally integrated into the general police as a Section d’Enquêtes et de Contrôle, or SEC. See in particular Serge Klarsfeld, Vichy-Auschwitz: Le rôle de Vichy dans la solution finale de la question juive en France, 1943–1944 (Paris, 1985), pp. 55ff.
169. Marrus and Paxton, Vichy et les juifs, pp. 92ff.
170. For the full text of the law summed up here, see ibid., p. 402.
171. DGFP, Series D, 1941, vol. 12 (Washington, DC 1962), p. 438.
172. For a thorough study of the “Institute” see Joseph Billig, L’Institut d’étude des questions juives (Paris, 1974).
173. For the propaganda posters display, see Reneé Poznanski’s note in Biélinky, Journal, p. 122 n. 47.
174. See Claude Singer, Le Juif Süss et la propagande Nazie: L’Histoire confisquée (Paris, 2003), p. 206.
175. Ibid., p. 211.
176. Ibid., p. 220.
177. Ibid., pp. 221 ff.
178. Jacques Adler, The Jews of Paris and the Final Solution: Communal Response and Internal Conflicts, 1940–1944 (New York, 1987), p. 70.
179. Renée Poznanski, Être juif en France pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale (Paris, 1994), p. 103.
180. Jean Guéhenno, Journal des années noires, 1940–1944 (Paris, 1947), p. 111.
181. Poznanski, Être juif, p. 104.
182. Biélinky, Journal, p. 123.
183. For a definition of this policy see among others Claude Singer, Vichy, l’université et les juifs: Les silences et la mémoire (Paris, 1992), pp. 136ff. As for the distinction between “collaboration d’État” and “collaborationism,” see Stanley Hoffmann, “Collaborationism in France during World War II,” Journal of Modern History 40 (Sept. 1968).
184. Marrus and Paxton, Vichy et les juifs, p. 209.
185. For Helbronner’s career see mainly Simon Schwarzfuchs, Aux prises avec Vichy: Histoire politique des Juifs de France, 1940–1944 (Paris, 1998), pp. 94ff.
186. Ibid., pp. 90ff.
187. For the full text of the petition see ibid., pp. 107ff. For the (slightly revised) translation of the last paragraph quoted here, see Paula Hyman, The Jews of Modern France (Berkeley, 1998), p. 167.
188. Adler, The Jews of Paris, p. 84.
189. Carole Fink, Marc Bloch: A Life in History (Cambridge, 1989), p. 272.
190. Bob Moore, Victims and Survivors: The Nazi Persecution of the Jews in the Netherlands, 1940–1945 (London, 1997), pp. 72–73.
191. Ibid., pp. 73ff.
192. For SS bureaucracy in the Netherlands, see Johannes Houwink ten Cate, “Der Befehlshaber der Sipo und des SD in den besetzten niederländischen Gebieten und die Deportation der Juden 1942–1943,” in Die Bürokratie der Okkupation: Strukturen der Herrschaft und Verwaltung im besetzten Europa, ed. Wolfgang Benz, Johannes Houwink ten Cate, and Gerhard Otto, Nationalsozialistische Besatzungspolitik in Europa 1939–1945, vol. 4 (Berlin, 1998), pp. 197ff.
193. See now the following extremely thorough study: Friederike Sattler, “Der Handelstrust West in den Niederlanden,” in Die Expansion der Dresdner Bank in Europa, ed. Harald Wixforth, in Klaus-Dietmar Henke, ed., Die Dresdner Bank im Dritten Reich (Munich, 2006), vol. 3, pp. 682ff.
194. About the ransom deals in Holland, see mainly Bettina Zeugin and Thomas Sandkühler, Die Schweiz und die deutschen Lösegelderpressungen in den besetzten Niederlanden: Vermögensentziehung, Freikauf, Austausch 1940–1945: Beitrag zur Forschung, ed. Unabhängigen Expertenkommission Schweiz—Zweiter Weltkrieg (Zurich, 2001), pp. 46ff.
195. Moore, Victims and Survivors, p. 83.
196. Guus Meershoek, “The Amsterdam Police and the Persecution of the Jews,” in Holocaust: Critical Concepts in Historical Studies, ed. David Cesarani (New York, 2004), pp. 541ff.
> 197. For the details see J. Presser, Ashes in the Wind: The Destruction of Dutch Jewry (Detroit, 1988), pp. 47ff; Moore, Victims and Survivors, pp. 68ff.
198. Moore, Victims and Survivors, p. 70.
199. Quoted in Gordon J. Horwitz, In the Shadow of Death: Living Outside the Gates of Mauthausen (New York, 1990), pp. 52–53.
200. Ibid., p. 53.
201. Moore, Victims and Survivors, pp. 81–82.
202. Ibid., p. 83.
203. For these biographical details, see J. G. Gaarlandt, Introduction to Etty Hillesum, An Interrupted Life: The Diaries of Etty Hillesum, 1941–1943 (New York, 1983), pp. viiff.
204. Ibid., p. 9.
205. Ibid., pp. 23–24.
206. Moses Flinker, Young Moshe’s Diary: The Spiritual Torment of a Jewish Boy in Nazi Europe, ed. Shaul Esh and Geoffrey Wigoder (Jerusalem, 1971), pp. 19–20.
207. Melissa Müller, Das Mädchen Anne Frank: Die Biographie (Munich, 1998), p. 174.
208. On van Roey’s “flexible attitude” on the Jewish question see Lieven Saerens, “The Attitude of the Belgian Roman Catholic Clergy Towards the Jews Prior to the Occupation” in Belgium and the Holocaust: Jews, Belgians, Germans, ed. Dan Michman (Jerusalem, 1998), p. 144–45; Mark Van den Wijngaert, “The Belgian Catholics and the Jews During the German Occupation, 1940–1944,” in Belgium and the Holocaust: Jews, Belgians, Germans, ed. Dan Michman (Jerusalem, 1998), p. 227.
209. Yisrael Gutman and Shmuel Krakowski, Unequal Victims: Poles and Jews during World War Two (New York, 1986), pp. 52–53.
210. Quoted in Burkhart Schneider, Pierre Blet, and Angelo Martini, eds., Die Briefe Pius’ XII. an die deutschen Bischöfe 1939–1944. (Mainz, 1966), p. 134 n. 4.
211. Ibid., pp. 132–34.
212. John F. Morley, Vatican Diplomacy and the Jews during the Holocaust, 1939–1943 (New York, 1980), pp. 51–53. The full text of Bérard’s report was first published in Le Monde Juif, October 1946, pp. 2ff. According to the selected documents published by the Vatican, Pétain mentioned, then showed, Bérard’s report to the nuncio, Monsignor Valerio Valeri, to justify his own policies. Valeri protested against what he considered as the marshal’s simplistic interpretation but did not state that the report misrepresented the Vatican’s position. See Pierre Blet, Angelo Martini, and Burkhart Schneider, eds., Actes et documents du Saint Siège relatifs à la Seconde Guerre mondiale, vol. 8, Le Saint Siège et les Victimes de la Guerre (1974), pp. 295–97. The report probably expressed the views of Vatican undersecretaries of state, Monsigners Giovanni Battista Montini and Domenico Tardini or those of the superior general of the Dominican order, Father Gillet. In both cases, the report would have been authoritative. See Jean-Marie Mayeur, “Les Églises devant la Persécution des Juifs en France,” in La France et la question juive: 1940–1944, ed. Georges Wellers, André Kaspi, and Serge Klarsfeld (Paris, 1981), p. 155 n. 17.
213. For the argument of continuity, see in particular Dieter Pohl, Von der “Judenpolitik” zum Judenmord: Der Distrikt Lublin des Generalgouvernements, 1939–1944 (Frankfurt am Main, 1993), pp. 30ff; see also Dieter Pohl, “The Murder of the Jews in the General Government,” in National Socialist Extermination Policies: Contemporary German Perspectives and Controversies, ed. Ulrich Herbert (New York, 2000), pp. 84ff.
214. On the activities of the JDC and those of related organizations, see mainly Bauer, American Jewry and the Holocaust.
215. For details on Sugihara’s story see Hillel Levine, In Search of Sugihara: The Elusive Japanese Diplomat Who Risked His Life to Rescue 10,000 Jews from the Holocaust (New York, 1996).
216. Ibid., p. 257.
217. Ibid., p. 5.
218. Ibid.
219. Ibid., p. 253.
220. Quoted on p. 195: “Die Relationen von Leben und Tod”: Abraham Lewin, “Eulogy in Honor of Yitshak Meir Weissenberg, September 31, 1941,” in A Cup of Tears: A Diary of the Warsaw Ghetto, edited by Antony Polonsky (Oxford, 1988), p. 243.
Chapter Four: June 1941–September 1941
1. Quoted in Karel C. Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine under Nazi Rule (Cambridge, MA, 2004), pp. 75–76.
2. Dawid Rubinowicz, The Diary of Dawid Rubinowicz (Edmonds, WA, 1982), p. 16.
3. Lucjan Dobroszycki, ed., The Chronicle of the Lódz Ghetto, 1941–1944 (New Haven, 1984), p. 62.
4. Dawid Sierakowiak, The Diary of Dawid Sierakowiak (New York, 1996), p. 105.
5. Ibid.
6. Mihail Sebastian, Journal, 1935–1944 (Chicago, 2000), p. 370.
7. Ibid.
8. Benjamin Harshav, introduction to Herman Kruk, The Last Days of the Jerusalem of Lithuania: Chronicles from the Vilna Ghetto and the Camps, 1939–1944, ed. Benjamin Harshav (New Haven, 2002), pp. xlff.
9. Kruk, The Last Days, pp. 46–47.
10. Adam Czerniaków, The Warsaw Diary of Adam Czerniaków, ed. Raul Hilberg, Stanislaw Staron, and Josef Kermisz (New York, 1979), p. 251.
11. Ibid., p. 256.
12. Victor Klemperer, I Will Bear Witness: A Diary of the Nazi Years, 1933–41 (New York, 1998), vol. 1, pp. 390–91.
13. See for example the various reports summed up in Marlis G. Steinert, Hitlers Krieg und die Deutschen: Stimmung und Haltung der deutschen Bevölkerung im Zweiten Weltkrieg (Düsseldorf, 1970), pp. 206ff.
14. Joseph Goebbels, Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels: Sämtliche Fragmente, ed. Elke Fröhlich (Munich, 1998), part 2, vol. 1 (Munich, 1996), pp. 30, 35.
15. Nuremberg Doc. L-221, International Military Tribunal, Trial of the Major War Criminals Before the International Military Tribunal, Nuremberg, 14 November 1945–1 October 1946, 42 vols. (New York, 1971), vol. 38, pp. 68–94.
16. Reichskommissariat Ostland included eastern Poland, part of Belorussia (Weissruthenien for the Germans), and the Baltic countries (Bialystok and its district were annexed to East Prussia. Reichskommissariat Ukraine included part of Belorussia and the pre–September 1939 Ukraine; Western Ukraine (or Eastern Galicia) was annexed to “Galicia” as a district of the General Government.
17. See for example Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 2, vol. 1, pp. 42–43 and 115–16.
18. About the context of Bishop Galen’s sermon, see Beth Griech-Polelle, “Image of a Churchman-Resister: Bishop von Galen, the Euthanasia Project and the Sermons of Summer 1941,” Journal of Contemporary History 36, no. 1 (2001), pp. 41ff.
19. About this second phase of euthanasia, see among others Ernst Klee, “Euthanasie” im NS-Staat: Die “Vernichtung lebensunwerten Lebens” (Frankfurt am Main, 1983), pp. 345, and Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance: “Euthanasia” in Germany c. 1900–1945 (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 220ff.
20. Adolf Hitler, Hitler: Reden und Proklamationen, 1932–1945: Kommentiert von einem deutschen Zeitgenossen, ed. Max Domarus, 4 vols. (Leonberg, 1987–88), p. 1726.
21. Ibid., p. 1731.
22. Andreas Hillgruber, Staatsmänner und Diplomaten bei Hitler: Vertrauliche Aufzeichnungen über Unterredungen mit Vertretern des Auslandes (Frankfurt am Main, 1967–70), vol. 1, p. 614.
23. Ibid., p. 625.
24. Documents on German Foreign Policy. Series D, 1937–1945, vol. 13 (Washington, DC, 1964), p. 387.
25. Hewel diary entry, quoted in Peter Longerich and Dieter Pohl, eds., Die Ermordung der europäischen Juden: Eine umfassende Dokumentation des Holocaust 1941–1945 (Munich, 1989), p. 76.
26. Adolf Hitler, Monologe im Führer-Hauptquartier 1941–1944, ed. Werner Jochmann and Heinrich Heim (Hamburg, 1980), p. 41.
27. Henry Picker, ed., Hitlers Tischgespräche im Führerhauptquartier 1941–1942 (Stuttgart, 1965), p. 144.
28. Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 2, vol. 1, p. 35 (In einigen Tagen wird, langsam beginnend, nun die antisemitische Kampagne anlaufen, und ich bin davon überzeugt, dass wir auch in dieser Richtung mehr und mehr die Weltöffentlichkeit auf unsere Seite bringen können).
29. For the full text of Dietrich’s Tagesparole see Bianka Pietrow-Ennker, “Die Sowjetunion in der Propaganda des Drit
ten Reiches: Das Beispiel der Wochenschau,” Militärgeschichtliche Mitteilungen 46, no. 2 (1989), pp. 79ff. and 108–9.
30. Ibid., p. 133. See also Willi A. Boelcke, ed., Wollt Ihr den totalen Krieg? Die geheimen Goebbels Konferenzen 1939–1943 (Herrsching, 1989), p. 183.
31. Joseph Goebbels, Die Zeit ohne Beispiel: Reden und Aufsätze aus den Jahren 1939/40/41 (Munich, 1941), pp. 526–31. The translation of the opening sentences is taken from German Propaganda Archive (CAS Department—Calvin College, [cited 2004]); available from www.calvin.edu/academic/cas/gpa/goeb18.htm.
32. Goebbels, Die Zeit ohne Beispiel: Reden und Aufsätze aus den Jahren 1939/40/41, pp. 533–535, 558, 566, 582–83, 585.
33. Philipp Gassert, Amerika im Dritten Reich: Ideologie, Propaganda und Volksmeinung 1933–1945 (Stuttgart, 1997), pp. 328–29ff.
34. “Roosevelt, Hauptwerkzeug der jüdischen Freimaurerei” (Roosevelt, the main instrument of Jewish Freemasonry), Völkischer Beobachter, July 23, 1941, p. 3.
35. Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 2, vol. 1, pp. 116, 168, 225, 271, 312, 328, 334, and 515. On the Kaufman affair, see mainly Wolfgang Benz, “Judenvernichtung aus Notwehr? Die Legenden um Theodore N. Kaufman,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 29 (1981), pp. 615–626.
36. Ibid.
37. “Das Kriegsziel Roosevelts und der Juden: Völlige Ausrottung des deutschen Volkes. Ungeheuriges jüdisches Vernichtungsprogram nach den Richtlinien Roosevelts,” Völkischer Beobachter, July 24, 1941, p. 1.
38. Benz, “Judenvernichtung,” pp. 620ff.
39. See for example Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 2, vol. 1, p. 48.
40. Heinz Boberach, ed., Meldungen aus dem Reich, 1938–1945: Die geheimen Lageberichte des Sicherheitsdienstes der SS, 17 vols. (Herrsching, 1984), pp. 2592ff.
41. DGFP: Series D, vol. 13, p. 201.
42. Boberach, ed., Meldungen, pp. 2563ff; Otto Dov Kulka and Eberhard Jäckel, Die Juden in den geheimen NS-Stimmungsberichten 1933–1945 (Düsseldorf, 2004), p. 450.
43. For both letters, see Josef Wulf, ed., Literatur und Dichtung im Dritten Reich: Eine Dokumentation (Gütersloh, 1963), pp. 431–32.
44. See Peter Klein, ed., Die Einsatzgruppen in der besetzten Sowjetunion 1941/42. (Berlin: 1997), pp. 318–19.
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