• The foundations for the grand space project were laid down during WWII.
• The project was conceived and designed as a collaboration between two superpowers.
• The Cold War was a convenient cover under which aspects of this project could be implemented and hidden.
• All these machinations were orchestrated at the very highest level, with only a select and hidden few ever knowing the overall objectives of the project.
• These objectives have not yet been achieved in full. We are referring to a project that has been around at least since 1947 – and it divides into several sections.
• Put another way, NASA’s Apollo phase, seen by the public to be the end result of a decision made in the 1960s by President Kennedy was in fact only a small (but significant) part of a greater plan.
• Whatever humanity has experienced concerning the rivalries between the super powers of this world, today, at some very high but invisible level, our attitudes are being molded to suit an agenda which does not necessarily have all our interests at heart.148
What is of interest here is the clear connection of the Two Space Programs Hypothesis to the famous events of 1947 – Kenneth Arnold’s first “UFO” sighting in Washington state and the later even more famous “Roswell incident” with all its attendant corollaries – but more importantly, to the events of World War Two. In this respect, Bennett and Percy are unique.
Moreover, they repeatedly hint at a Nazi connection, or at least, implication to their approach, for “without the remnants of Hitler’s war machine, our first steps into space would probably have occurred decades later.”149 According to Bennett and Percy, the deceptions that became so much a part of the public policy of NASA – deceptions already noted in this chapter in connections with other versions of the hypothesis – were already in place well before the agency had even been established. The policy decisions leading to these deceptions began, as they point out, in the “pre-and postwar period in Germany.”150 The deceptions originate, in fact, with a deliberately muddied picture of Operation Paperclip. As Bennett and Percy quip:
Now follows some interesting arithmetic. We are told by (David) Baker that the German scientists began arriving at Fort Bliss in October 1945 (that is the advance guard of Von Braun and his small team of five) and by March 1946 their numbers had peaked – at the grant total of thirty nine.
(Paperclip scientists) Stuhlinger and Ordway inform us that there were three shipments and a total of 118 men arriving in America between November 1945 and February 1946. So by 1946 the American Army have already lost 85 scientists. Were they declared AWOL or were they housed elsewhere, and not at Fort Bliss? Were some of them at Almogordo perhaps? From 127 total German rocket scientists allowed into America under Operation Paperclip we have a total of 6 + 118 = 4.151
But their suspicions predate even Operation Paperclip and the inability of the historical record to come up with anything like a consistent number of German scientists and technicians actually brought to the USA.
The Two Space Programs may have actually begun, at least on the Allied side of things, during the war itself. In evidence of this allegation, Percy and Bennett proffer the R.A.F’s massive 600 bomber raid against the Peenemünde facility in 1943.
Thanks to information from Germany supplied by Paul Rosbaud, codenamed ‘Griffin’, the British put Operation Hydra into action, designed to eliminate 1) the engineer’s residential quarters 2) the missile pre-production facility and 3) the R&D laboratories/offices. From nine minutes past midnight on August 18 and over forty seven minutes, 600, yes six hundred, Royal Air Force aircraft marked targets and then dropped 1,593 tons of high explosives and 281 tons of incendiary bombs onto Peenemünde. However, from the beginning the start point of the bombing run was altogether misidentified – the northern peninsular (sic) of Peenemünde being lit by the target indicators rather than the designated Ruden Island situated two miles further north. As a result of this initial ‘blunder’, the air raid failed in two-thirds of its avowed objectives…. Instructions from the highest level, it seems, had been to target personnel and certainly not the V-2 rocket production facilities.152
Indeed, even in targeting personnel the raid was not much of a success, since “of the eight hundred personnel on the ground who did die about half were from the prisoner labor force (mostly Soviets) and the other half were technicians and their families.”153 The important scientists – Kurt Debus, Werner von Braun, Hermann Oberth et al – survived.
So this raises the specter of a last minute change in the operational plan of the raid, a change effected at the highest level. The RAF, not noted for inaccuracy or incompetence on its bombing raids over Nazi Germany, received faulty information on the coordinates for the starting point for the bombing run itself. Such an alteration “would have ensured that the advance pathfinders placed the marker flares ‘too short’ and/or ‘too long’, thus ensuring the safety of the individuals and rocket technology desperately needed by those that knew – the ‘masters of infinity’.”154 Simply put, Bennett and Percy believe, on the basis of this singular and unique failure of the RAF to deliver its customary knockout punch to a target, that crucial areas of Peenemünde were deliberately spared in order to capture its technology and scientists after the war.
But immediately after the war, things became even stranger. After careful consideration of the various accounts, Bennett and Percy concluded that both the Soviets and Americans arrived at the notorious Mittelwerk – the underground factory for building V-2s using concentration camp slave labor, constructed by SS General Kammler- at the same time and moreover cooperated in divvying up the booty!155 Such glaring discrepancies
Most certainly uphold our theory that this entire period was being organized as a cohesive whole and was not just a ‘race’ against time to see who could bag the bigger haul of documents, materials and men. This plan was surely a precursor to the ‘space race’ story, which was also designed to look like one thing but actually to function in a completely different way.156
While the USA was shipping a few hundreds of German scientists to the USA, along with Von Braun and the precious documents he brought with him, the Soviet Union rounded up over three thousand technicians who had worked on the rockets, and whose new job for their new Soviet masters “was to reestablish the documentation taken by von Braun.”157 It was a convenient division of the spoils.
And perhaps a bit too convenient.
Bennett and Percy point out that in 1958 a British publisher, Robert Maxwell, attended symposia in Moscow for the international geophysical year. While there, Maxwell returned to his hotel room one day with a sixty three page manuscript containing what were supposedly “book titles” and asked his wife to photograph the pages quickly, as the papers absolutely had to be returned before lunch. His wife recounts how
by page thirty two she noticed that they were not book titles at all, but were “Die deutschen Firma, deren Einrichtung demontiert und zur Ausführ nach der Sowjetunion bestimmt sind.” Which translates as: “German firms whose equipment is to be dismantled and transported to the Soviet Union.” …It is significant that this Soviet shopping list was written in German.
Why was is not in Russian?158
One answer to this disturbing question is, of course, that the divvying up of the “booty” had been decided before the end of the war, and by the Nazis themselves. We shall see in a moment how this idea actually – and most curiously – is able to explain and unite the various versions of the Two Space Programs Hypothesis.
Bennett and Percy’s version of the Hypothesis now reaches its final and full development. Noting that the Soviet Union began to return these German technicians in three drafts, beginning in 1952, and ending in 1954 when the last of the technicians were repatriated to Germany, they make clear one crucial difference between the Soviet Union’s use of Nazi scientists, and the American one. In the Soviet Union these technicians were principally employed teaching Russian university stu
dents, which students in turn gained practical hands-on experience by working in the Russian space program while they were still students.159 In this one may detect the steady hand of Sergei Korolëv, as well as appreciate the reason for the early Soviet successes in space achievement. The Soviets at least appeared to be serious about freeing their program from undue Nazi influence as quickly as possible.
And this brings us, finally, to Bennett’s and Percy’s version of the Two Space Programs Hypothesis:
Most conveniently, at the end of WWII the political globe had been divided into two – one ‘public sector’ in the West and one private sector in the East. What could be more simple than to exploit this division and lower the iron curtain in exactly the same way as the safety curtain comes down in the theatre. This ruse enabled the organizers of the space project to go to work in relative obscurity.
In the sense that two teams were targeting the Moon there was always a space race. In reality the objectives were not those of competition. These two teams, while wearing different colours, were in truth on the same side. And even if many of the key players were unaware of the real script, it is likely (in our view) that at least both Korolëv and von Braun were aware of the true situation.160
Thus, in the Bennett and Percy version of the Hypothesis, the two space programs are precisely that of the US and NASA, the program for “public consumption”, and that of the USSR, the covert program which carried on the secret agenda of its hidden masters. Indeed, as they point out, control of these two programs was vested in no more than “a few score men” who also “controlled the services of some of civilization’s most highly trained specialists” and “the large funds appropriated for armaments.”161
But to assert that the two superpowers’ space programs were carefully contrived along “public” and “private” lines is to suggest a degree of coordination between them that hitherto was hardly ever seriously suggested. However, this, Bennett and Percy urge, is precisely what the record seems to indicate. “The American/Soviet space timetable demonstrates how carefully progress in space had been shared between them, with alternating monthly flights in some cases. This can only have been the result of close planning and continuous liaison at the very highest levels.”162 In support of this suggestion, they produce the following launch schedules of the respective programs:
Agency Date Mission
USSR Jan 2, 1959 Luna 1
USSR Sept 12, 1959 Luna 2
USSR Oct 4, 1959 Luna 3
USA Aug 23, 1961 Ranger 1
USA Nov 18, 1961 Ranger 2
USA Jan 26, 1962 Ranger 3
USA Apr 23, 1962 Ranger 4
USA Oct 1962 Ranger 5
USSR Apr 2, 1963 Luna 4
USA Jan 30, 1964 Ranger 6
USA Jul 31, 1964 Ranger 7
USA Feb 20, 1965 Ranger 8
USA Mar 24, 1965 Ranger 9
USSR May 9, 1965 Luna 5
USSR June 8, 1965 Luna 6
USSR July 18, 1965 Zond 3
USSR Oct 24, 1965 Luna 7
USSR Dec 3, 1965 Luna 8
USSR Jan 31, 1966 Luna 9
USSR Mar 31, 1966 Luna 10
USA June 2, 1966 Surveyor 1
USSR Aug 24, 1966 Luna 11
USA Sept 20, 1966 Surveyor 2
USSR Oct 22, 1966 Luna 12
USSR Dec 21, 1966 Luna 13
USA Apr 20, 1967 Surveyor 3
USA July 14, 1967 Surveyor 4
USA Sept 11, 1967 Surveyor 5
USA Nov 10, 1967 Surveyor 6
USA Jan 10, 1968 Surveyor 7
USSR Apr 7, 1968 Luna 14
USSR Sept 14, 1968 Zond 5
USSR Nov 10, 1968 Zond 6
USA Dec 21, 19681 Apollo 8
USA May 18, 1969 Apollo 10
USSR July 13, 1969 Luna 15
USA July 16, 1969 Apollo 11
USSR Aug 7, 1969 Zond 7
USA Nov 14, 1969 Apollo 12
USA Apr 11, 1970 Apollo 13
USSR Sept 12, 1970 Luna 16
USSR Oct 20, 1970 Zond 8
USSR Nov 10, 1970 Luna 17/Lunikhod
USA Jan 31, 1971 Apollo 14
USA July 26, 1971 Apollo 15
USSR Sept 2, 1971 Luna 18
USSR Sept 28, 1971 Luna 19
USSR Feb 14, 1972 Luna 20
USA Apr 16, 1972 Apollo 16
USA Dec 7, 1972 Apollo 17
USSR Jan 8, 1973 Luna 21/Lunikhod 2
USSR May 29, 1974 Luna 22
USSR Oct 1974 Luna 23
USSR Aug 9, 1976 Luna 24163
But why the secrecy? And why the apparent coordination between the two programs? Bennett and Percy pull no punches: “We propose that the secret and subtle aspect…was the certain awareness by the authorities of the existence of extraterrestrial intelligence.”164
Moreover, “this awareness of ET was the driving force behind their mission to land on the Moon. However, the Moon was only a staging post to their avowed destination – a manned mission to a location on the plains of Cydonia, Mars.”165 While Bennett and Percy do not offer much to elaborate why they believe these things, what should be noted is the clear implication of their remarks, namely, that this “ET awareness” was the real hidden agenda driving both space programs since the end of World War Two, and the real hidden goal of both was a manned flight to Mars, again, since the end of World War Two.
While not offering much to substantiate this astounding assertion, they do offer a couple of clues, namely, that in addition to a public and private consumption space program, there was also a public and private consumption physics that accompanied the two programs. First, they note that during the era when both superpowers were still conducting atmospheric tests of hydrogen bombs, these tests curiously produced auroral displays in the opposite hemisphere from that in which the detonation took place. That is, hydrogen bombs are partially harmonic devices.166 Very little is ever publicly discussed in physics texts about this phenomenon. The question is: why?
The second phenomenon, and one which clearly indicates an attempt by NASA to suppress serious and extended public discussion, is a much more serious one.
There is a significant phenomenon concerning the alleged outward journey to the Moon during ‘Apollo 11’ which has to our knowledge never been elaborated upon, explained, or indeed mentioned in relation to any of the subsequent Apollo ‘trips’ – a phenomenon which may have assumed gigantic proportions for NASA and the space scientific community. So much so that (as far as we can tell) it has been ‘locked down’ in an attempt to sweep any discussion or knowledge of it under the carpet.
To what are we referring?
It is the neutral point, which is also called the equigravisphere. This location is just what it says it is:
• The point between two planetary bodies where the gravitational ‘pulls’ between the two bodies cancel each other out.
• Once this point is space is passed, a craft is no longer affected by the gravity of the planetary body which it (is) leaving but is now progressively under the influence of the planetary body towards which it (is) moving.167
The “Neutral Point Discrepancy” is one of the glaring features of the Apollo programs and their published data, and it raises a number of very important questions.
It was Sir Isaac Newton who had first calculated the Earth-Moon neutral point using his theory of gravitation. That theory gave him an average Earth-Moon distance of 238,900 miles, and the neutral point thus occurred at approximately 23,900 miles from the Moon.168 This of course gave the now familiar figure that the Moon’s gravitational attraction was about 1/6th that of the Earth.
But then came a 1969 edition of Time magazine, an interview with Werner Von Braun himself, and the beginning of a persisting mathematical mystery concerning the Earth-Moon dual planetary system. Time reported that “43,495 miles from the Moon lunar gravity exerted a force equal to the gravity of the Earth, then some 200,000 miles distant.” And that, note Percy and Bennett, “gave a total distance
to the Moon of 243,495 miles.”169 And it means something more, which Bennett and Percy do not mention, namely, if this neutral point figure is correct, then the Moon is much more massive than any standard view of celestial mechanics will allow. The difficulties that this poses – which Bennett and Percy never adequately address – will be seen in a moment.
In any case, Bennett and Percy note that a mere two weeks after the Time magazine article, Werner Von Braun quite suddenly resigned all his NASA posts and took a position as Vice President of Engineering for Fairchild Industries, leading them to ask a question many other researchers have asked in regard to the Neutral point Discrepancy: “Could that Time magazine article…have anything to do with Wernher von Braun’s somewhat hasty departure for pastures new?”170 It is my opinion that it definitely did, and the possible reasons – once again – will be seen in a moment.
Whatever else the Time article may have done for the space science community, at the minimum it began, according to Bennett and Percy, a process of “arithmetical obfuscation” that can only be seen as deliberate, since to view what happened next as not being deliberate would be akin to charging NASA with gross mathematical incompetence. For example, in the 1981 edition of Baker’s Space Technology the Apollo 11 distance to the Moon is given as 253,475 miles. But in 1989 the book Apollo 11 Moon Landing gave the distance as just under 250,400 miles. Then in 1996, Baker’s Spaceflight and Rocketry gave the neutral point as 38,925 miles from the Moon and 214,550 miles from Earth, giving a total distance to the Moon of 253,475 miles. Then, to really complicate matters, George Pinter assured authors Bennett and Percy that the neutral point really was exactly what Von Braun told Time magazine, namely, 43,495 miles.171 Yet, prior to the Time article, and according “to the majority of references” the old Newtonian figure was still being used to calculate the neutral point.172
SS Brotherhood of the Bell: The Nazis’ Incredible Secret Technology Page 14