Andrew shook hands warily. He did not trust Stair a yard, but recognised his astuteness and nose keen to sniff the winds of change; therefore the possible advantages for himself of this greeting.
"I heard that you were back and amongst us," Stair said, pleasantly. "Scotland is the better off, I am sure. Where have you been hiding yourself, friend?"
"Here and there, my Lord President - here and there. You, now, have not required to hide yourself, I perceive!"
"That is so. But I am no plotter, sir. A simple man - and the soul of discretion, to be sure! I serve my country as best I may."
"As do we all," a new voice added. It was John Hay, eighth Lord Hay of Yester and second Earl of Tweeddale, a near neighbour of Andrew's, at Gifford. "How good to see you, after so long, Andrew. We have missed you."
How greatly Tweeddale had missed him was a matter for question. He was another who had kept his position and estates by carefully trimming his sails to the winds that blew — which perhaps was indeed the sensible course in such difficult times, for clearly the great majority of the nobility of Scotland had so elected. Related to the Duchess of Buccleuch and Monmouth, yet a supporter of Episcopalian Charles, he had still managed to be.a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury under Catholic James as well as an Extraordinary Lord of Session. That he was here at Hamilton's pro-William meeting, like Dalrymple, would seem to indicate which way the tide was flowing in Scotland.
Thus led, others came to greet the returned wanderer, headed by Robert Kerr, Earl of Lothian, Tweeddale's cousin. And perceiving it, Hamilton found it expedient to modify his attitude somewhat and at the same time reassert his authority.
"Fletcher," he summoned, "we are discussing the Convention. Its form and procedures. I understand that we are not to have the benefit of your attendance!"
"So I am informed, my lord Duke." Andrew moved nearer to the fire, to avoid having to shout. "But - perhaps there is time to rectify that matter? A fast courier to King William in London urging reconsideration?"
"Insufficient time, sir. His Majesty requires the Convention to start at the soonest. I am calling it for five days hence. Besides, King William is unlikely to change his mind on this matter, I think." That was pointedly said.
"I wonder who advised him to it?" If that was less coldly enunciated, it was equally pointed.
The Duke shrugged. "His Majesty knows his own mind. And no doubt has his good reasons."
"Then I say that it is a shame and a scandal!" Johnnie Belhaven burst out. "Andrew Fletcher has served him well. Better and more closely, I swear, than any other in this room! Yet he only is singled out for exclusion. You, my lords and friends - have any of you ever lifted a hand for William's cause, much less drawn sword? As have not I. Andrew ventured his life for William. Was a colonel of horse in his army. Yet we are all called to this vital Convention and he is excluded. His estate still forfeit. Why?"
There was an uncomfortable silence.
"His Majesty knows his own business best," Hamilton said at length.
"Is it his own business? I say that it is Scotland's business!"
"My lord of Belhaven should watch his words!" the Duke said sternly. "The King's business is Scotland's business. And Scotland's the King's. There are sufficient enemies of His Majesty hereabouts, some in this very building, without aiding them by foolish and unconsidered talk!"
"Are you not prejudging the issue, my lord Duke?" Andrew asked quietly. "Scotland's business is not yet King William's business. The Estates of Parliament may make it so, but have not yet done so. You refer to William as His Majesty, and rightly. But he is not yet His Grace, the King of Scots, I would remind all present."
Again the uneasy hush as men eyed each other.
"That is what we are here to ensure - that he does become King of Scots," Hamilton declared, frowning. "As is his right."
"Tell King William, then, from me, that he has not as good right to this crown as I have to my estate of Saltoun!"
Andrew averred. "Can any deny it?" And when none answered him, he went on, "This is why William has acted against me. Because I told him the truth. That only the Estates of Parliament could make him King of Scots. And that the Estates would require his promised adherence to the rights and freedoms of the Scottish people, so vilely trampled on by the last two monarchs, before they offered him the throne. William did not like that - and I say that we should be warned that he did not! He is a sound man, strong, a fine soldier and a good Protestant. He could make an excellent king, I think -so long as he understands the limits of his kingship. That he has acted as he has done, shows that there is a danger that he does not, a danger for Scotland."
There was considerable stir and exclamation at that, some in agreement, some not. Hamilton could be heard declaring that it was entirely obvious why King William had decided to teach this insolent young man a lesson. The Convention undoubtedly would go a deal more smoothly without him.
It was Lord President Dalrymple who countered that. "This Convention will not go smoothly whether Mr. Fletcher is there or no. Claverhouse will see to that! Do not underestimate him. Nor the strength of his support. William will require every vote that can be mustered. There may well be many who think as Saltoun does. We shall require their votes."
That, from so able and experienced a politician, had a sobering effect. Even the Duke looked a little concerned.
"You believe that Graham can look for much support for James, at this stage?" he demanded. "Is he not totally discredited? Your own presence here, my lord President, would so imply!" That was barbed.
"My presence here, my lord Duke, represents much consideration and judgment - as befits my office! I have come to the conclusion that William would be less harmful a monarch for Scotland than James. Also, I hold it important that the Union of the Crowns be preserved - wherein I may differ from Mr. Fletcher?"
"All men of any judgment support the Union, sir. Therefore few, surely, can support James now, since with William King in England, James as King of Scots must break the Union."
"Obviously. So I am here. But not all are enamoured with the said Union, I fear. And others are afraid of William. Many who favour episcopacy would prefer James. Even in England the Archbishop of Canterbury himself, and other bishops -five of them even of the seven whom James committed to the Tower - have refused to take the oath of allegiance to William. Many lords also. They fear that, as a strong Calvinist, he could bring down their faith. And the Catholics, to be sure, will support James - and the Highlands are largely Catholic. So the Jacobites may muster more votes than you think."
"I say that you are excessively fearful, sir."
"Perhaps. But why, then, are James and Dundee so confident, as to themselves call this Convention also? If they feared that it would go against them, would they not rather have shunned it, declared it null since not called by the present King of Scots? Instead, they boast that they will carry the day. I advise your lordships against over-confidence. I think that we may better them - but it may be a close thing."
"We might ensure that certain of James's supporters are not there, to cast their votes!" the Earl of Lothian suggested, to a murmur of agreement.
"You are not proposing to use force, my lord?" Stair asked.
"Shall we say . . . persuasion, sir?"
"It would not be for the first time!" Tweeddale observed, grinning.
Hamilton looked thoughtful but did not speak.
Andrew raised his voice. "I would remind all that if it came to using force, violence, the new Lord Viscount of Dundee would be apt to be more successful at it than anyone here! John Graham is a master in such matters. And he has the means and the men, to hand. We need only look out of these windows! I would strongly counsel against any recourse to force."
"That from the slayer of Monmouth's paymaster and sundry others!" somebody commented.
A hot retort sprang to Andrew's lips but he swallowed it. "We are, at this Convention, concerned with the better government of this kingdom,
with the rule of law as against tyranny," he asserted. "We must have a great opportunity, such as never before, to ensure that our kings hereafter do not misrule and tyrannise over us. All should be devoted to that end. To ourselves resort to force and lawlessness would ruin all. Would play into Dundee's hands."
"Dundee's hands will be full enough when Mackay's army arrives," Hamilton said.
"And when may that be?" Dalrymple asked. "They march but slowly, I am told. The last news I had, they had not reached York. At such pace they cannot be here for two weeks, even if unopposed."
None could gainsay that. Discussion broke out all over the room.
Sir David Carnegie had arrived. He learned that Andrew proposed to leave right away, seeing no advantage to be gained by staying, since Hamilton clearly would not do anything to improve his state. Johnnie explained the situation. Carnegie urged the younger men to wait at least a little while, until he had had a word with the Duke. Even though that man would not advise William to change his attitude - and there was no time for that to be arranged anyway - he might be persuaded to allow Andrew to sit in on the Convention proceedings as a spectator; which would surely be better than nothing?
"Tell him that if he does not agree, I might apply to John Graham for permission!"
When Carnegie came back it was to announce that the Duke had reluctantly acceded. Evidently Sir David had some influence with that stiff-necked individual. But acceded only on the clearest understanding that Fletcher would on no account utter a word or seek in any way to influence the assembly. At the least hint of any such misbehaviour he would be ejected. Margaret's father added that he had personally given his assurance that there would be nothing of that sort.
With this Andrew had to be, if not content, at least acquiescent. He and Johnnie took their leave.
Parliament Hall, behind St. Giles, had seen dramatic occasions innumerable, witnessed clash and challenge again and again. But seldom, surely, could the atmosphere have been more tense, charged with a partisanship so vehement and clear-cut, as on this blustery day of March 1689. The assembly, of course, was only reflecting the feelings and excitement of the city outside, of the country at large - or the southern half of it at least, for the Highlands were a law unto themselves. Scotland found itself faced with a momentous choice, which all recognised could greatly affect the lives of every citizen, great and small, for possibly ages to come - William or James, a united crown with England or separate again, Presbyterian - Calvinist even - Episcopalian or Romish, the rule of parliaments or autocracy, the ancient dynasty or a new one. All these and much else fell to be decided - with the vivid recognition that civil war might well result whichever side won, the city already in a state bordering on sword-rule.
In an inconspicuous corner, not where Henry and Margaret had sat on a previous occasion, Andrew Fletcher watched and waited, as keyed-up as anyone there but with the added frustration of having no least part to play in the drama about which he felt so deeply. It was strange to be back in that hall, in any case, after all these years, and so much more experienced a man - wiser, also, he hoped - without being muzzled into the bargain. The strangeness, admittedly, would be shared in some measure by all; for this was the first Convention or Parliament for almost four years, James having insisted on ruling without the aid of the Estates. So to some extent all was abnormal, unprecedented, the numbers attending much reduced from the usual, with many gaps caused by death in the interim and no new elections having been held. The Lords of Parliament, therefore, who sat by hereditary right, much outnumbered the representative commissioners, although the burghs, which appointed their own members from the merchant and craft guilds, were well enough represented - this Andrew being glad to see, for the ordinary folk were more likely to support Calvinist William than were the landed gentry.
The procedure was different, too, most of the pomp and
E
arade dispensed with, since there was no authority accepted y all, therefore no procession through the streets, no fanfares. But at least neither was there any undue delay about getting started. The bells of St. Giles had just finished booming out the hour of noon when the doors were thrown open left and right at the head of the hall, and two men strode in from each side, Hamilton and Dalrymple from the left, Sir George Mackenzie, the Lord Advocate and the tall, slightly-stooping figure of the Marquis of Atholl, on the right.
This produced the first murmur of surprise. John Murray of Atholl was not the man most would have expected to see in such position, from the verge of the Highlands, hitherto not prominent in politics and governmental affairs and indeed thought to be somewhat uncertain in his loyalties. Presumably, then, he had plumped for James. But in what station?
Whilst the hum of conjecture was still strong and these four came forward to the Chancellor's table, to stare at each other from either end, another couple issued from the right-side doorway - Dundee and the Bishop of Edinburgh. These paced in, to place themselves behind the said table, facing the assembly and between the other pairs. Dundee was very fine, in the scarlet of a general, with feathered cavalier hat, the Bishop in full canonicals. It all looked impressive and as though well-rehearsed and accepted, compared with the obvious tension in the hall at large.
Dundee raised his hand for silence - and achieved it quickly. "In the name of James, by God's grace undoubted King of Scots, I call upon my lord Bishop of Edinburgh to beseech God's blessing upon our deliberations and His guidance upon our decisions," he announced crisply.
There was another stir at that so early throwing down of the gauntlet.
Bishop Rose raised his sonorous voice in fervent prayer. Sadly, the fervour was not reflected by a major proportion of his fellow-worshippers - not so much because he was only one of the despised Episcopalians but because very little of his prayer was concerned with the forthcoming deliberations, almost all with James Stewart, whose health, welfare and support he sought from the Almighty, whose royal grace and dignity he praised and whose restoration to fullest power and prerogative in both his kingdoms he urgently implored. What other petitions he might have intended to present were lost in uproar.
When it was clear that worship was no longer the main preoccupation, Dundee raised hand again. But this time he did not gain the desired silence. The noisy protesting grew louder if anything, especially from the ranks of the burgh representatives.
When actual scuffling broke out in the hall between protesters and Jacobites, the platform-party, however opposed their views, quite quickly became as one in their recognition of the need for order and acceptable behaviour, Hamilton in especial very evidently deploring unseemly noise, particularly on the part of the lower orders. He too held up his hand, and when that produced no results, thumped on the Chancellor's table and turned to Dalrymple.
Oddly enough, that elderly lawyer succeeded where his betters had failed. Perhaps it was that he was robed in the full majesty of the law, in great white wig and scarlet, fur-trimmed gown, as chief justiciar of the realm, overawed the burgh members - most of whom, of course, were provosts, bailies and magistrates in a small way. At any rate, quiet returned.
Dalrymple did not yield place to Dundee now. He spoke up. "My lords and commissioners, I greet you. And remind all of the dignity and honourable fame of this ancient Convention of the Estates of our realm and the duty upon us all to conduct our affairs in suitable order." A significant pause. "In the absence of a Lord High Commissioner and of the Lord Chancellor, even of the Secretary of State, I conceive it to be my own duty, as Lord President of Session, duly to convene this assembly as a Convention of Parliament."
The Catholic Chancellor, the Earl of Perth, after being chased by an Edinburgh mob, had fled to Stirling, thinking that the Keeper of that royal castle, the Earl of Mar, would afford him refuge. Mar's refuge proved to be a dungeon in the said castle, where the chief minister of the crown had languished. As for the Secretary of State, Perth's brother, the new Earl of Melfort, he had been more successful in his flight
and was now safely in France. Hence the gap in the authority.
A mixture of cheers and groans greeted Dalrymple's assertion. His companions on the platform were trying hard to assess the relative strengths of the one side as against the other, not so much in noise as in numbers.
Stair went on. "Lacking the Chancellor, it will be necessary for a suitable and respected personage to preside over our deliberations. Who could be more suitable than the premier nobleman of this realm, my lord Duke of Hamilton? I so propose, for the agreement of this assembly."
More noise, into which Dundee had to shout.
"Lord President Dalrymple's proposals are interesting but beside the point! I represent King James of Scotland here; and the King, when not present, appoints the Chancellor or his deputy. I am a soldier and no presider at debates. In King James's name I appoint the Marquis of Atholl as Chancellor Depute."
Uproar and shouts of Vote! Vote!
The leadership of each side was not yet quite ready to put the matter to the test of a vote, none having been able quite to calculate how such a vital vote would go. It was Sir George Mackenzie, the Lord Advocate, almost as astute a lawyer as Dalrymple, even if the other had bested him that time over the Test Act oath, who intervened to gain time.
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