by Jeff Edwards
The war in Europe came to an end on May 7, 1945, when Generaloberst Alfred Jodl signed the documents of unconditional surrender on behalf of the German High Command. Adolf Hitler lay dead by his own hand, and his beloved Berlin was in flames. Hitler’s dream of world domination had fallen to ashes, along with much of his erstwhile Nazi empire.
Hitler’s super rockets had come too late to turn the tide of the war, but no one could deny that the V-1 and V-2 really were the super rockets that he had threatened to build.
On the other side of the world, the war in the Pacific was entering its bloodiest phase. The defeat of Imperial Japan was considered a certainty, but the Japanese were preparing to fight to the very last man, woman, or child. Japan would not surrender.
But everything changed in August of 1945. On the sixth day of that month, an American B-29 bomber obliterated the Japanese city of Hiroshima with a single atomic bomb. More than 70,000 people were killed instantly, and nearly a quarter of a million more would die from the effects of nuclear radiation over the next few years.
Three days after the destruction of Hiroshima, while Japan was still reeling from the shock of losing an entire city to a single bomb, America followed up with a second nuclear attack on the Japanese city of Nagasaki. Once again, a single atomic bomb was used, and once again the devastation was complete. Somewhere between 40,000 and 75,000 people were killed by the direct effects of the explosion. And—as with Hiroshima—tens of thousands more would die over the following years.
Representatives of the Japanese Emperor formally signed the documents of surrender on September 2, 1945, aboard the battleship USS Missouri, at anchor in Tokyo Bay. The Second World War was officially over. The nations of the earth were ready to turn towards peace. But the threat was not ended.
Germany’s rocket scientists had shown the world how to build missiles and rockets capable of reaching space, and spanning the distances between nations. America’s own scientists had discovered the secret to building nuclear weapons. It was only a matter of time before the two deadliest technologies in history merged to become a single weapon with unimaginable destructive power.
The weapons of World War II had given rise to the weapons of World War III. For the first time, mankind had the knowledge and the ability to destroy all life on planet earth.
CHAPTER 14
AVACHA BAY COMMERCIAL SEA PORT FACILITY (OJSC)
PETROPAVLOVSK-KAMCHATSKI, RUSSIA
WEDNESDAY; 27 FEBRUARY
1814 hours (6:14 PM)
TIME ZONE +12 ‘MIKE’
The sun was just beginning to dip below the volcanic peaks to the west of the city, when Customs Officer Evgeny Petrov spotted the militia car. The big black Volga squeaked to a stop near the head of the pier, about thirty meters from where the customs man was standing.
Arms wrapped around himself for warmth, Petrov hunkered farther down into his heavy wool greatcoat, and trudged toward the car, his boots crunching through the layer of rime ice and snow that covered the cement quay. He had called for militia backup nearly two hours ago, and the idiots were just now getting here.
A car door opened and a man climbed out and tightened his own coat, as Petrov covered the remaining distance to the car. The driver wore the uniform and insignia of a major in the militia.
A major? That much was good, at least. The militia man was going to need some clout to handle this situation. But where were his men? Had the fool come alone?
The militia officer straightened his hat and turned up the collar of his coat against the wind. “I am Major Noviko,” he said. “Are you Petrov?”
Petrov nodded. “Yes.” He looked around. “Where are your men?”
“A truck is coming behind me,” Noviko said. “It should be along in a minute or two. In the meantime, why don’t you tell me what the problem is?”
Petrov pointed toward the pier. “There is the problem,” he said.
Moored to the pier were two ships: enormous boxy vessels, the size of skyscrapers laid on their sides. The ships were car carriers, both of the same design, with blue-painted hulls and white superstructures.
The vessel closest to the head of the pier had the name Shunfeng lettered on the hull near the bow. The second ship had the name Jifeng painted in the same location.
Both ships had large open cargo doors, and steel ramps extended down to the pier. As the two men watched, strange-looking six-wheeled vehicles drove down the ramps of both ships, and fell into line behind long rows of similar vehicles that were already parked on the pier.
There were perhaps a hundred vehicles on the pier already, their motors all running as they sat idling on the snow-encrusted concrete. They were all painted dark green, and they all had angular profiles and heavy construction. Some were relatively featureless. Others bristled with antennas, or were topped by what were unmistakably guns. They were obviously military vehicles.
“These ships have no authorization,” Petrov said. “We have spoken to the masters of both vessels, and they claim that these vehicles are for delivery to the naval base at Rybachiy. But they have produced no proof of clearance, no manifest transfers, no delivery authorization of any kind.”
Petrov nodded toward the still growing ranks of military vehicles. “I have formally notified both masters that it is against the law to offload their cargoes without customs clearance.” He scowled. “As you can see, they ignore our warnings.”
The major nodded gravely. “Yes, I see. And how many men do you have in your charge, here?”
“Three,” Petrov said. “Myself, and two other customs agents.” As he watched, another pair of the angular six-wheeled vehicles rolled onto the pier. These were topped by what seemed to be rocket launchers.
“So far, they are remaining inside the fence of the customs area,” Petrov said. “But we can’t keep them here if they decide to leave. That’s why I called the militia for reinforcements.”
“A prudent move,” Major Noviko said. He checked his watch and frowned. “My men should be here by now.”
“Perhaps you should call them, to check,” Petrov said.
“I will,” Noviko agreed. “But first, please summon your other two agents.” He surveyed the lines of military vehicles. “We’re going to need a much larger response force to contain this. I want to have more information before I call in the request.”
Petrov nodded and unclipped a tape-swaddled radio from his belt. The pier lights were flickering on now, and the sun was nearly gone behind the peak of Koryaksky mountain.
As he summoned his men by radio, Petrov noted that the stream of vehicles had finally halted. They sat idling on the pier, clouds of vapor rising from their exhaust pipes.
Shubin arrived almost immediately. Borodin took a couple of minutes longer. He’d been down at the far end of the pier, and he was breathing heavily when he stumped over to stand near his supervisor and the militia officer.
Major Noviko nodded. “Is this everyone?”
“Yes,” Petrov said. “At least until our reliefs show up in about an hour.”
“Good,” Noviko said. His right hand came out of the pocket of his greatcoat, and Petrov had barely registered the presence of the automatic pistol when he heard the crack of the first bullet.
Borodin dropped to the frozen concrete like a sack of potatoes. Shubin raised his hands and took a rapid step toward the militia officer, but the gun whipped around quickly, and a bullet hammered through his forehead. His body collapsed beside Borodin, blood spilling among the ice and snow.
Stunned by the suddenness of the attacks, Petrov’s only thought was to run. He turned, his boot heels slipping on ice, but Noviko’s pistol barked again.
He felt himself slammed forward, as though someone had punched him in the spine. He pitched forward, and fell to the pier. The impact with the frost-covered concrete was somehow more painful than the bullet.
He lay in the ice and snow, his faced turned toward the nearer ship. Men were coming down the cargo ramp now. A l
ot of men. Soldiers. In black uniforms.
Petrov’s vision was failing by the time the first squad of soldiers came near. He couldn’t turn his head for a better look, and he couldn’t see them clearly. But as his brain processed his very last rational thought, he wondered why the strangers were speaking Chinese.
CHAPTER 15
WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON, DC
WEDNESDAY; 27 FEBRUARY
3:12 AM EST
President Chandler nearly dropped the phone before his sleep-numbed fingers managed to fumble the receiver to his ear. “Yes?”
“Mr. President, this is Lieutenant Colonel Briggs, the Situation Room Watch Officer. I’m sorry to wake you at this hour, but we have a developing situation that requires your attention, sir.”
The president muffled the mouthpiece of the phone with one hand and yawned heavily. When the worst of it was past, he uncovered the receiver. “Situation room?”
“No, sir,” the lieutenant colonel said. “This is a National Command Authority issue. The Secret Service is going to want you in the bunker, Mr. President. And the National Military Command Center is requesting permission to initiate COG protocols.”
The president sat upright in bed, the sudden movement jerking the phone to the edge of the bedside table, where it teetered precariously. COG was short for Continuity of Government. COG protocols were rapid action plans for moving designated cabinet secretaries and members of Congress to secure locations outside of the Washington, DC area, to protect the succession of national leadership in situations that directly threatened the survival of the American government. In theory, COG protocols were intended to react to unknown threats as well as known. In practice, that was understood to mean one of three things: extraordinary natural disasters, terrorist acts of nearly unimaginable scope, or impending nuclear attack.
The thought drove the last vestiges of sleep from President Chandler’s brain. “Are we under attack?”
“No, sir,” Lieutenant Colonel Briggs said. “Fighting has broken out in Kamchatka. We don’t have many details yet, but it appears to be some kind of revolution or military coup. There are a relatively large number of Russian long-range nuclear missiles stationed in Kamchatka, and we don’t know who has control of them at this time.” He paused for a few seconds. “I can’t go into details over a non-secure phone, Mr. President. We should have more information for you when you get down to the bunker.”
As if on cue, there was a light knock on the door. A second later, it opened to reveal a pair of Secret Service agents. “Mr. President? We have orders to escort you down to the bunker.”
The president hung up the phone and looked over at Jenny, still snoring softly beside him. He peeled the blankets off his legs and turned to put his feet on the carpet. “I’ll wake up Jenny,” he said. “Make sure the agents assigned to Susan and Nicole get them down to the bunker, and try not to frighten them any more than necessary.” He lifted his robe from the back of a chair and began pulling it on.
The nearer agent nodded. “We’ll wake up your family if you’d like, sir. But Command Post is online with the National Military Command Center, NORAD, the National Reconnaissance Office, and the 21st Space Operations Center. If there’s a launch, missile flight-time from Kamchatka will give us about thirty minutes warning. In the event of a nuclear launch alert, we can evacuate your family to the bunker in under five minutes. If I may offer a suggestion, Mr. President, it would probably be less frightening to let them sleep, for the moment at least.”
The president shook his head and opened his mouth to repeat the order to wake his family. Then, he caught himself. His own concern for his family’s safety grew out of the love he felt for his wife and daughters. The Secret Service’s motivations were professional rather than emotional, but they were at least as powerful. He had no doubt that any member of his protection detail would willingly step in front of a bullet to protect his wife and children. It was their profession, their sworn duty, and the central tenet of their entire way of life. Reminding them to consider his family’s safety was entirely unnecessary, and probably insulting.
He checked his head shake and turned it into a nod. “Fair enough,” he said. Then the father-husband instinct made a last quick attempt to override logic. “Don’t let anything … I mean, if there’s any doubt about their safety …”
The agent nodded. “You have my solemn word, Mr. President. If there’s any doubt at all, we won’t waste a second in moving your family.”
President Chandler pulled the belt of his robe tight and took one more look at the sleeping form of his wife. “All right,” he said. “Let’s go.”
* * *
Three levels below the East Wing of the White House was a tube-shaped citadel known officially as the Presidential Emergency Operations Center, or PEOC. Unofficially, the shelter was called the bunker, a nickname that had emerged during the Reagan administration when nuclear war with the Soviet Union had seemed like a very real possibility. Protected by a forty foot blast shield of high-tensile ferroconcrete, Kevlar, and armored steel plating, the bunker housed office facilities, sleeping quarters, computer systems, communications equipment, and a command center that duplicated the functions of the West Wing’s Situation Room.
According to popular rumor, the bunker was designed to survive a direct nuclear blast. But despite its extraordinarily reinforced architecture and multiply-redundant life support systems, no engineer familiar with the physics of nuclear warfare had ever made such a claim. In the evaluation of most experts, the bunker could provide a high-degree of survivability against a near-miss. Where nuclear weapons were concerned, that was as good as things got. Even the massively protected NORAD facility, tunneled deep into the hard Colorado rock of Cheyenne Mountain, was only estimated to have a 70 percent probability of surviving a multiple-megaton nuclear strike. Against high-yield nuclear warheads, words like ‘bomb proof’ and ‘impenetrable’ lost all meaning.
Conspiracy buffs had long conjectured that the bunker contained enough food, water, and bottled air to last three years. In reality, the size of the facility limited the provision stockpiles to months, not years. Despite the claims of the supermarket tabloids, there were no secret preparations to keep the president, his family, friends, and cabinet members alive for decades following the nuclear annihilation of the American people. In the event of a full scale nuclear attack, it was hoped that the bunker and similar emergency preparations would keep the president alive long enough to coordinate retaliatory strikes and the last ditch defense of the country. But if America died—the president, his family, and all of his friends and political allies—died right along with it.
When President Chandler walked through the heavy blast doors, he bypassed the entrance to the operations room, detouring to his emergency sleeping quarters for just long enough to throw on some clothes. He chose simply: khaki trousers, a pullover shirt embroidered with the University of Iowa logo, and loafers. He didn’t want to waste time on a suit and tie, but neither was he willing to preside over an emerging nuclear crisis in his bathrobe and slippers. He dressed quickly, and was sliding into his chair at the head of the conference table within two minutes.
A tall dark-haired woman in a white U.S. Navy uniform came to attention until he was well seated. “Good morning, Mr. President. I’m Commander Kathryn Giamatti, the Deputy Situation Room Watch Officer. Lieutenant Colonel Briggs is engaged in a secure conference call with the Secretaries of State, Defense, Treasury, and Homeland Security, so I’ll be handling your initial briefing, sir.”
The president nodded. “Thank you, Commander. Has the national security advisor been notified?”
The commander nodded. “Affirmative, sir. Mr. Brenthoven is on his way to the White House. We’re expecting him any time now.”
“Correction,” said a voice from the other side of the room. “Mr. Brenthoven has arrived.”
National Security Advisor Gregory Brenthoven stood in the doorway. His suit was rumpled a
nd there were dark circles under his eyes, but his gaze was focused and alert. He nodded toward the president. “Good morning, sir. Sorry I’m late. I was in Foggy Bottom when I got the call.”
“No problem, Greg,” the president said. “Are you planning to take over this briefing?”
“Not unless you want me to, sir,” Brenthoven said. “I got the basics over secure phone during the drive in, but I’m sure the commander here is more up to speed than I am. With your permission, Mr. President, I’d rather sit in and maybe ask a few questions.”
“Of course,” the president said. “Pull up a chair.”
The national security advisor did so, retrieving a small leather-bound notebook from the inside breast pocket of his jacket.
The president turned back to Commander Giamatti. “Proceed.”
The commander pointed a remote toward a large flat screen display built into the wall opposite the president’s chair. The Presidential Seal appeared, set against a blue background. “Sir, this will be a preliminary briefing. With your approval, we’d like to schedule a full meeting of the National Security Council for nine AM.”
The president nodded.
Commander Giamatti thumbed a button on the remote, and the Presidential Seal was replaced on the screen by a map of southeastern Siberia and the Kamchatka peninsula. Another click of the remote, and a window popped up, displaying a fairly high-resolution satellite image of a city.
“About two hours ago,” the commander said, “major fighting broke out in the Kamchatkan capital city of Petropavlovsk. Our most current satellite imagery of Petropavlovsk is more than ten hours old, well before the apparent onset of hostilities, and we don’t have any airborne surveillance assets in position for an immediate look. One of our destroyers, USS Albert D. Kaplan, is equipped with Sea Shrike unmanned reconnaissance drones, but they’ll have to violate Russian airspace to get close enough to see anything. The Air Force has already initiated orbital burns on two surveillance satellites to maneuver their footprints to cover Kamchatka. For the moment, we’re relying on HUMINT reports, and feedback from the Russian government. And frankly, Mr. President, there’s not a lot of either at the moment.”