56. Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1968).
57. Samuel Decalo, Coups and Army Rule in Africa: Studies in Military Style (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976).
58. Crawford Young, Ideology and Development in Africa (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1982), 132–33.
59. These extraordinary measures and their disastrous consequences are described in Young and Turner, The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State, 326–62.
60. Cited in Thomas J. Biersteker, Multinationals, the State, and Control of the Nigerian Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), 75.
61. Young, Ideology and Development, 106.
62. Of the voluminous writings of Samir Amin, especially relevant to this intellectual moment are Accumulation on a World Scale: A Critique of the Theory of Underdevelopment (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1974) and Unequal Development (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977). The powerful polemic by the able historian Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (London: Bogle L’Ouverture, 1972), had particular resonance among the African intelligentsia.
63. Eight by my count: Congo-Brazzaville, Benin, Somalia, Madagascar, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Angola, and Sao Tome and Principe.
64. “The State and the Small Urban Center in Africa,” the 1977 paper, was published in Small Urban Centers in Rural Development in Africa, ed. Aidan Southell (Madison: African Studies Program, University of Wisconsin–Madison, 1979). The life history of this project contained in miniature the mood shift in the second cycle from hope to despair; when the venture began in the mid-1970s, the small urban center was seen as the vital nexus between the developmental center and the rural periphery. By the time of publication, regional centers were viewed as mechanisms of extraction by the center. See also Crawford Young, “Zaire: The Unending Crisis,” Foreign Affairs 57.1 (1978): 169–85.
65. Robert H. Jackson and Carl G. Rosberg, Personal Rule in Black Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 17–19.
66. Willame, Patrimonialism and Political Change.
67. Jean-François Médard, “The Underdeveloped State in Africa: Politicial Clientelism or Neo-Patrimonialism?” in Private Patronage and Public Power, ed. Christopher Clapham (London: Pinter, 1982), 162–92; Jean-François Médard, “L’état néo-patrimonial en Afrique Noire,” in États d’Afrique noire: Formation, mécanismes et crises, ed. Jean-François Médard (Paris: Karthala, 1994).
68. David J. Gould, Bureaucratic Corruption and Underdevelopment in the Third World: The Case of Zaire (New York: Pergamon, 1980), 49.
69. Stanislas Andreski, The African Predicament: A Study in the Pathology of Modernization (London: Michael Joseph, 1968), 92–109. For one such example of indulgent academic treatment, see James C. Scott, Comparative Political Corruption (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1972).
70. New York Times, 14 June 2002. For an insightful and detailed exegesis of contemporary corruption, see Daniel Jordan Smith, A Culture of Corruption: Everyday Deception and Popular Discontent in Nigeria (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).
71. World Bank, Accelerated Development in Sub-Saharan Africa: An Agenda for Action (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1981).
72. World Bank, Sub-Saharan Africa: From Crisis to Sustainable Growth (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1989), 221.
73. Young, Ideology and Development, 6.
74. Richard Sandbrook, The Politics of African Economic Stagnation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Crawford Young, “Zaire: Is There a State?” Canadian Journal of African Studies 18.1 (1984): 80–82.
75. Naomi Chazan, An Anatomy of Ghanaian Politics: Managing Political Recession, 1969–1982 (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1982), 334–35.
76. Robert H. Jackson and Carl G. Rosberg, “Why Africa’s Weak States Persist: The Empirical and the Juridical in Statehood,” World Politics 35.1 (1982): 1–24; Robert H. Jackson, Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations, and the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
77. Johnathan H. Frimpong-Ansah, The Vampire State in Africa: The Political Economy of Decline in Ghana (London: James Currey, 1991).
78. Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
79. See, for example, “Governance, Cultural Change, and Empowerment” (Journal of Modern African Studies 30.4 [1992]: 543–67) by World Bank official Pierre Landell-Mills.
80. For further elaboration, see Crawford Young, “Africa: An Interim Balance Sheet,” in Democratization in Africa, ed. Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), 63–79.
81. For detail, see Luis Martinez, The Algerian Civil War, 1990–1998, trans. Jonathan Derrick (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), and William B. Quandt, Between Ballots and Bullets: Algeria’s Transition from Authoritarianism (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1998).
82. I am indebted to research assistant Geraldine O’Mahoney for the assembly of this data.
83. President Isaias Afeworki, to the disappointment of many admirers of the thirty-year Eritrean struggle for independence, chose never to bring the constitution into force; among other critical works, see Kidane Mengisteab and Okbazghi Yohannes, Anatomy of an African Tragedy: Political, Economic and Foreign Policy Crisis in Post-Independence Eritrea (Trenton, NJ: Red Sea Press, 2005).
84. Marina Ottaway, Democracy Challenged: The Rise of Semi-Authoritarianism (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2003), 3.
85. William F. Case, “Can the ‘Halfway House’ Stand? Semidemocracy and Elite Theory in Three Southeast Asian Countries,” Comparative Politics 28.4 (1996): 437–64.
86. Richard Joseph, “The Reconfiguration of Power in Late Twentieth-Century Africa,” in State, Conflict, and Democracy in Africa, ed. Richard Joseph (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1999), 57–80; see also Richard Joseph, “War, State-Making, and Democracy in Africa,” in, Beyond State Crisis? Post-Colonial Africa and Post-Soviet Eurasia in Comparative Perspective, ed. Mark R. Beissinger and Crawford Young (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2002), 241–62.
87. I return to this issue in chapter 6. One may note at this point particularly influential works on democratic transitions in Africa by Michael Bratton and Nicholas van de Walle, Democratic Experiments in Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), Democratization in Africa, John A. Wiseman, Democracy in Black Africa: Survival and Renewal (New York: Paragon House, 1990), and Staffan I. Lindberg, Democracy and Elections in Africa (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006).
88. I employ the term “polyarchy” as defined by the most influential single contemporary work on defining democracy: Robert Dahl’s Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1974). Any list of third-wave transitions is subject to debate; mine includes Benin, Botswana, Cape Verde, Ghana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mali, Mauritius, Namibia, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania, and Zambia.
89. A team of Ghanaian scholars in a careful study of the first decade of full liberalization make a persuasive case for combined political and economic success; see Kwame Boafo-Arthur, Ghana: One Decade of the Liberal State (London: Zed, 2007).
90. Countries experiencing serious insurgencies during at least part of the post1990 period include Algeria, Angola, Burundi, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo-Brazzaville, Congo-Kinshasa, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Mali, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, and Uganda.
91. John F. Clark, ed., The African Stakes of the Congo War (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002). For further elaboration on the wave of insurgency, see in this volume Crawford Young, “Contextualizing Congo Conflicts: Order and Disorder in Postcolonial Africa,” 13–31.
CHAPTER 2. IN SEARCH OF THE AFRICAN STATE
1. Jean-François Médard. “L’É
tat patrimonialisé,” Politique Africaine 39 (September 1990), 25; Pascal Chaigneau, Rivalités politiques et socialisme à Madagascar (Paris: CHEAM, 1985), 112; Buana Kabwa, Citoyen Président: Lettre ouverte au Président Mobutu Sese Seko . . . et les autres (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1978), 23; cited in David J. Gould, Bureaucratic Corruption and Underdevelopment in the Third World: The Case of Zaire (New York: Pergamon Press, 1980), 49.
2. Among the vocal critics of the “imported state,” Bertrand Badie stands out; see L’état importé: Essai sur l’occidentalisation de l’ordre politique (Paris: Fayard, 1992), 70–72.
3. On the Hegelian theory of the state, still useful are Zbigniew A. Pelzcynski, ed., The State and Civil Society: Studies in Hegel’s Political Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), and Shlomo Aveneri, Hegel’s Theory of the Modern State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972).
4. Gianfranco Poggi, The Development of the Modern State: A Sociological Introduction (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1978).
5. The rise of states is traced recently in a pair of monumental histories, S. E. Finer, The History of Government from the Earliest Times, 3 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), and Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986, 1993).
6. Mann, The Sources of Social Power, 2:402–40; Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990–1992 (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1990), 67–92.
7. Max Weber, “Politics as a Vocation,” in H. H. Garth and C. Wright Mills, eds., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958), 77–128.
8. Margaret Levi, Of Rule and Revenue (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 1.
9. No comprehensive listing of sources is proposed, but let me cite some of the works not otherwise noted that I have found especially influential: Anthony Giddens, A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism: Power, Property, and the State (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987); Martin Carnoy, The State and Political Theory (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984); David Held, Political Theory and the Modern State: Essays on State, Power, and Democracy (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1989); Leslie Green, The Authority of the State (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1988); Anthony de Jesay, The State (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1985); Roger King, The State in Modern Society: New Directions in Political Sociology (Chatham, NJ: Chatham House, 1986); Linda Weiss, The Myth of the Powerless State (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998); Mohammed Ayoob, The Third World Security Predicament: State Making, Regional Conflict, and the International System (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1995); Rodney Barker, Political Legitimacy and the State (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1990); Barry Buzan, People, States, and Fear: The National Security Problem in International Relations (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1983); Martin van Creveld, The Rise and Decline of the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Matthew Lange and Dietrich Ruesch meyer, States and Development: Historical Antecedents of Stagnation and Advance (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005); Pierre Manent, A World Beyond Politics? A Defense of the Nation-State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006); Christian Reus-Smit, The Moral Purpose of the State: Culture, Social Identity, and Institutional Rationality in International Relations (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999); Peter J. Steinberger, The Idea of the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Jacqueline Stevens, Reproducing the State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999); Blandine Kriegel, The State and the Rule of Law, trans. Marc A. LePain and Jeffrey C. Cohen (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995); Karen Berkey and Sunita Parikh, “Comparative Perspectives and the State,” Annual Review of Sociology 17 (1991): 523–49; Lars-Erik Cederman, Emergent Actors in World Politics: How States and Nations Form and Dissolve (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997); Brian M. Downing, The Military Revolution and Political Change: Origins of Democracy and Autocracy in Early Modern Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992); David K. Leonard and Scott Straus, Africa’s Stalled Development: International Causes and Cures (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2003); Thomas Ertman, Birth of the Leviathan: Building States and Regimes in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); James C. Scott, The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2011); Philip J. Roeder, Where Nation-States Come From: Institutional Change in the Age of Nationalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).
10. For a fuller discussion, see Crawford Young, The African Colonial State in Comparative Perspective (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994), 25–40.
11. Onyeoro S. Kamanu, “Secession and the Right of Self-Determination: An OAU Dilemma,” Journal of Modern African Studies 12.3 (1974): 371–73. See also Saadia Touval, The Boundary Politics of Independent Africa (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1972).
12. In its Roman version, uti possedetis asserted the right of a holder of immovable property to retain lawful permanent possession unless some negotiated transfer took place. Territorial stability in Latin America was much less assured than the OAU framers assumed, nor were Latin American boundaries mere replications of colonial geography. See Carlos A. Parodi, The Politics of South American Boundaries (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002). A pair of twentieth-century wars over disputed territory took place: the Chaco War between Bolivia and Paraguay from 1933 to 1936 and the Peru-Ecuador war of 1941, in which Ecuador lost over 40% of its territory (Kalevi J. Holsti, The State, War, and the State of War [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996], 154).
13. Richard A. Joseph, Radical Nationalism in Cameroun (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1977), 208. Um Nyobe was arguing for the God-given sanctity of the original colonial partition version of a Cameroon.
14. See the valuable discussions in Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
15. The notion of indigeneity, of growing importance in Africa, receives incisive treatment in Peter Geschiere, The Politics of Belonging: Autochtony, Citizenship, and Exclusion in Africa and Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009).
16. James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998), 53–83.
17. Daniel Philpott, Revolution in Sovereignty: How Ideas Shaped Modern International Relations (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), 92.
18. Lucien Jaume, “Citizen and State under the French Revolution,” in States and Citizens: History, Theory, Prospects, ed. Quentin Skinner and Bo Strath (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 133.
19. Jane Burbank and Frederick Cooper, Empires in World History: Power and the Politics of Difference (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010).
20. Rousseau was not the first to trace sovereignty to the people, though his rendition attracted wide attention. Althusius in 1603 wrote of “the absolute inalienability of the sovereignty of the People” (F. H. Hinsley, Sovereignty [London: C. A. Watts, 1966], 132).
21. Africa Confidential, 6 March 2009, 4; the enthusiasm for the principle still flags when the need for application arrives. This restriction on the doctrine of sovereignty finds useful treatment in Francis M. Deng, Sadikiel Kimoro, Terrence Lyons, Donald Rothchild, and I. William Zartman, eds., Sovereignty as Responsibility: Conflict Management in Africa (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1996). Stephen D. Krasner elaborates various of the limitations to the full exercise of external sovereignty in Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999). See also Philpott, Revolutions in Sovereignty.
22. Robert H. Jackson, Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations, and the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). Omar al Bashir
’s Arabic name is also often rendered as Omer el Beshir.
23. Pierre Englebert, Africa: Unity, Sovereignty, and Sorrow (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2009).
24. Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence, 9–17.
25. Martin Chanock, Law, Custom and Social Order: The Colonial Experience in Malawi and Zambia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47.
26. Yash Ghai, “Decentralization and the Accommodation of Ethnic Diversity,” in Ethnic Diversity and Public Policy: A Comparative Inquiry, ed. Crawford Young (New York: St. Martin’s, 1998), 31–71.
27. Among other works, see Lee C. Buchheit, Secession: The Legitimacy of Self-Determination (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1978), Benyamin Neuberger, National Self-Determination in Postcolonial Africa (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1986); Allen Buchanan, Secession: The Morality of Political Divorce from Fort Sumter to Lithuania and Quebec (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991), and Crawford Young, “Self-Determination Revisited: Has Decolonization Closed the Question?,” in Conflict in the Horn of Africa, ed. Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja (Atlanta, GA: African Studies Association Press, 1991).
28. See the remarkably prescient analysis by Markus V. Hoehne, “Mimesis and Mimicry in the Dynamics of State and Identity Formation in Northern Somalia,” Africa 79.2 (2009): 252–81.
29. Murray J. Edelman, Constructing the Political Spectacle (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).
30. Michael Barnett offers an eloquent example in describing his experience with the American delegation to the UN in 1994 at the time of the Rwanda genocide. At that moment, in the shadow of the 1993 American debacle in Somalia, the conviction that any military involvement to counter the unfolding genocide was contrary to national interests set firm parameters to policy debate. Barnett found himself a prisoner of the official mind at that moment, a position he later came to deeply regret. See his “The UN Security Council, Indifference, and Genocide in Rwanda,” Cultural Anthropology 12.4 (1997): 551–78, and his Eyewitness to Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002).
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