by Scott Farris
284and the tax cuts made that inequality worse: Matusow, The Unraveling of America, pp. 52–53.
284a ‘burden on our grandchildren.’ ”: Heller, “Kennedy’s Supply-Side Economics,” p. 15.
284Reagan proved deficits don’t matter: Susskind, The Price of Loyalty, p. 334.
285recouped about a third of the static revenue loss: Bartlett: The Benefit and The Burden, p. 45.
285force government to contract,” wrote Jeff Madrick, author of The Age of Greed: Madrick, The Age of Greed, p. 168.
285and those reserved to the states or to the people: Morris, Dutch, p. 411.
285by simply reducing their allowance: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 11.
285on the individual who can improve his own lot: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 11.
286Ford won 60 percent of the senior citizen vote: Wills, Reagan’s America, pp. 328–29.
287the story was buried on page twenty-three: Madrick, The Age of Greed, p. 158.
28772 percent thought taxes were too high: Madrick, The Age of Greed, p. 157.
287Americans “felt like dressing up again”: Troy, Morning in America, p. 56.
288the blue-collar and the white-collar workers: Troy, Morning in America, p. 43.
288bend the acts of government to their selfish purposes: Watson, Andrew Jackson vs. Henry Clay, p. 82.
288with some possessions to lose,” as historian Gil Troy noted: Troy, Morning in America, p. 43.
288Carter had badly misjudged the national mood: Madrick, The Age of Greed, p. 153.
289it was time for a new approach: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 22.
289know when to fight and when not to fight: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 57.
289a federation of caucuses . . . than a united party: Troy, Morning in America, p. 108.
289during the years of Lyndon Johnson,” he said: Troy, Morning in America, p. 74.
289(fn)level of support rose to 99 percent: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 78n.
290crash landing on the budget” with no balanced budget in sight: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 81.
290from the size of the debt Reagan had inherited from Carter: Reeves, President Reagan, pp. 18–20.
290then Tip O’Neill was right all along,” Reagan said: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 81.
290You spend what you need: Morris, Dutch, p. 450.
290the balanced budget will have to give way: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 92.
290real intent was to provide benefits to the rich: Morris, Dutch, p. 452.
291personal bankruptcies and farm foreclosures: Wills, Reagan’s America, pp. 368–69.
291once eligibility requirements were tightened: Troy, Morning in America, p. 107.
291represents the rich rather than the average American: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 132.
291raising the money for the purchases from private donors: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 90.
291and sits on your doorstep asking for more: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 119.
291and credibility with the public: Troy, Morning in America, pp. 110–11.
292the largest single tax increase in history: Troy, Morning in America, p. 108.
292into policy details when the issue interested him: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 148.
293which would otherwise have been inflationary: Madrick, The Age of Greed, p. 161.
294by 2012 it had topped $16 trillion: Madrick, The Age of Greed, pp. 169–71.
Chapter 19: Religion and the Culture Wars
295secular American culture that emerged during the 1960s: Wills, The Kennedy Imprisonment, p. 61.
295the deepest bias in the history of the American people: Roberts, The New Democracies, p. 35n.
296to prejudice against his Catholic faith: For a comprehensive analysis of the role of religion in the 1928 presidential election, see Allan J. Lichtman, Prejudice and the Old Politics: The Presidential Election of 1928 (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2000).
297Irish Catholic politicians for the postwar American consensus: Smith, The Look of Catholics, p. 87.
297a Catholic on the ticket spelled defeat: Sorensen, Kennedy, p. 83.
297could attract the support of Protestant voters: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 251.
298if a Protestant votes for me then he is a bigot: Rorabaugh, The Real Making of the President, pp. 52–53.
298Peale, the author of The Power of Positive Thinking: Nixon, Six Crises, pp. 419–21.
298Saint Paul “appealing but Peale is appalling”: Rorabaugh, The Real Making of the President, p. 144.
299risk becoming an atheist doomed to damnation: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 59.
299the church does not speak for me: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 284.
299he’s such a poor Catholic: Wills, The Kennedy Imprisonment, p. 61.
300Hubert Humphrey mirrored Kennedy’s totals: Rorabaugh, The Real Making of the President, pp. 181–82.
301drop its opposition to birth control: Sorensen, The Kennedy Legacy, p. 29.
301much lower, less than 20 percent: Reichley, Religion in American Public Life, p. 145.
301following the Engel decision: Urofsky, The Warren Court, p. 144.
301Negroes in the schools and now they’ve driven God out: Reichley, Religion in American Public Life, p. 148.
302shocked and frightened by the opinion: Fenwick, Should the Children Pray?, pp. 130–34.
302The Communists are enjoying this day: Reichley, Religion in American Public Life, p. 145.
302when we can no longer appeal to God for help: Urofsky, The Warren Court, p. 144.
302we are done as a nation: Carter, The Politics of Rage, p. 298.
302can’t talk to Him in the classroom anymore: Kengor, God and Ronald Reagan, p. 176.
302prayer more important in the lives of our children: Baldwin, Hon. Politician, p. 160.
302politics of his time,” said journalist Theodore White: White, The Making of the President 1964, p. 29.
302liberalism” that lacked “political vitality”: Gillon, Politics and Vision, p. 143.
302pragmatic to the point of amorality: Reeves, A Question of Character, p. 415.
303to ways and means of reaching common goals: Paper, The Promise and the Performance, p. 76.
303than in any previous presidential election, according to White: White, The Making of the President 1964, p. 80.
303breakdown of morals in our young people: Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, pp. 221, 229.
303criticized by leading liberals, including Eleanor Roosevelt: Reichley, Religion in American Public Life, p. 143.
304left to private discretion than public policy: http://archives.nd.edu/research/texts/cuomo.htm.
304or ‘conservative,’ ” said religious historian Ferenc Szasz: Szasz, The Divided Mind of Protestant America, p. xi.
305“influenced by Scott and Ernest and the lost generation”: Taranto, Presidential Leadership, p. 172.
306his usually coy substitute for the Holy Name: Morris, Dutch, p. 427.
307events, including “the end times”: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 75.
307I believe Armageddon is near: Brinkley, The Reagan Diaries, p. 25.
307positive feeling, that something would happen: Reagan and Hubler, Where’s the Rest of Me?, p. 71.
307if you walk uprightly before Me: Kengor, God and Ronald Reagan, pp. 135–36.
307will try to serve him in every way I can: Brinkley, The Reagan Diaries, p. 12.
307find his way back into the fold: Morris, Dutch, p. 429.
308band played “Onward Christian Soldiers”: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 141.
308not a high priority of those close to him: Cannon, President Reagan, p. 729.
<
br /> 308“middle of the road” on the abortion issue: Cannon, President Reagan, pp. 729–30.
309kick Falwell right in the ass: Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, p. 315.
309one of Ronald Reagan’s chief political legacies: Wilentz, The Age of Reagan, p. 187.
309a tolerant attitude toward sex generally: Wilentz, The Age of Reagan, p. 282.
309built around a basic do unto others philosophy: Reagan, My Father at 100, p. 103.
310was pushing the nation toward ruin: www.commentarymagazine.com/article/a-guide-to-reagan-country-the-political-culture-of-southern-california.
311reward success, not burden it with high taxes: Wills, Reagan’s America, p. 198.
311Kerry lost the Catholic vote 52 to 46 percent: Sullivan, The Party Faithful, p. 221.
311a “faith gap” in American politics: Troy, Morning in America, p. 155.
312who represent more than they enlighten: Wills, Under God, p. 35.
312to live with change while not accepting it: Wills, Under God, pp. 35–36.
Chapter 20: Civil Rights
313a gift” from New York Times columnist Arthur Krock: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 62.
313“the Great Emancipator of the twentieth century”: Bryant, The Bystander, p. 464.
313and his policies to be “racist”: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 139.
315do more to help African Americans: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 36.
315“irreversible commitment” to integration: Neustadt, Presidential Power and the Modern Presidents, p. 170.
316self-correction over government compulsion: Bryant, The Bystander, pp. 16–17.
316realize the importance of the ballot: Bryant, The Bystander, p. 16.
316of African Americans was at an end: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 133.
317qualified people a “fair chance”: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 580.
317“Izya new neighbor”: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 492.
317the whitest man I’ve ever met: Noonan, When Character Was King, p. 23.
317know it had a racial problem: Morris, Dutch, pp. 89–90.
318unpleasant brush with the rawness of life: Reagan, My Father at 100, p. 182.
318other members to do the same: Morris, Dutch, p. 209.
319but on a way and an ideal: Morris, Dutch, p. 228.
319what your son Kazuo did—Thanks: Maga, “Ronald Reagan and Redress for Japanese-American Internment, 1983–88.”
320Reagan was in his “anecdotage”: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 120.
320he apologized—for walking out: Cannon, Governor Reagan, p. 142.
321a more just and equitable society: Cannon, Governor Reagan, p. 488.
321any special concern for civil rights: Bryant, The Bystander, p. 25.
321of the problem, Mr. Kennedy: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 506.
321one of the things of the time: Bryant, The Bystander, p. 17.
321I promise to do better: Bryant, The Bystander, pp. 24–25.
321to never let it happen again: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 40.
322instead of basic human principles: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 215.
322been added to the voting rolls: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 217.
322this goddamn civil rights mess: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p 291.
322on the bench in 1960 were black: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 292.
322to provide leadership on civil rights: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 269.
322missing” when it came to civil rights: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 382.
323done more than I’ve done: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 132.
323pushed so that it occurred quickly: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 382.
323that “wait means never”: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 134.
323in the middle of a revolution at home: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 332.
323off those buses? Stop them: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 125.
324others will follow,” she replied: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 126.
325for preaching nonviolence was over: Bryant, The Bystander, pp. 1–2.
325Kennedy confirmed to his brother: Bryant, The Bystander, p. 3.
325images made him “sick”: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 488.
325a mild response seemed “pitiful”: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 491.
326Congress would then change the law: Reeves, President Kennedy, pp. 504–5.
326his wife and three small children: Reeves, President Kennedy, pp. 522–23.
327banned in the district that day: Bryant, The Bystander, pp. 5–7.
327performance than the power of his message: Bryant, The Bystander, p. 10.
327and to write it in the books of law: Caro, Passage of Power, p. 430.
328were left dead and 580 injured: Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, p. 213.
328neighborhoods of the rest of the country: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 268.
328like another if he doesn’t want to: Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, p. 230.
328moving too fast on racial equality: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 59.
328‘Molotov cocktails’ in an urban slum: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 52.
329similar effort during his presidency: Cannon, Governor Reagan, p. 263.
329considered “reverse discrimination: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, pp. 143–44.
329advocated a redistribution of income: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, pp. 182–83.
329represented a second Great Depression: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 175.
330said they considered Reagan “racist”: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 139.
330be a token at his own event: Troy, Morning in America, p. 97.
330he only opposed “quotas”: Troy, Morning in America, p. 97.
331destruction of many kids as a result: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 191.
331observance of his birthday in 1987: Cannon, President Reagan, pp. 461–62.
331AIDS research, education, and treatment: Troy, Morning in America, p. 202.
331another one million for food stamps: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 192.
33110 percent of the country’s college students: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, pp. 116–19.
332by 1989, according to U.S. Census Data: www.nytimes.com/1992/07/24/us/white-black-disparity-in-income-narrowed-in-80-s-census-shows.html?pagewanted=all&src=pm.
332put it, had not come to pass: Troy, Morning in America, p. 98.
332not mind having a black boss: Troy, Morning in America, p. 185.
332income grow by just 7 percent: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 193.
332where someone can always get rich: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 195.
332rather than average Americans: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 132.
Chapter 21: A Different World
336they don’t come up with any: Schlesinger, A Thousand Days, p. 739.
336are irrelevant to the solutions: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 321.
336lost,” said his cabinet secretary Craig Fuller: Cannon, President Reagan, p. 153.
336his standing with moderate voters: Troy, Morning in America, pp. 158–59.
337How did we let this happen: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 63.
339where charm became power: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 22.
340listen as much as they lead: Buchanan, “Between Venus and Mars,” pp. 64–74, 130.
342appropriating it for the present: Peterson, Lincoln in American Memory, p. 35.
342ideas and conceptions remain powerful: www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/conte
nt/article/2011/02/04/AR2011020403051.html.
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