2. Sheehan, German History, 432.
3. This comment was from the writer Heinrich Laube; cited in ibid., 513. On the place of the Bildungsbürgertum in Prussian state reforms, see ibid., 291–310; Blackbourn, ‘‘German Bourgeoisie’’; and Koselleck, Preussen zwischen Reform und Revolution.
4. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 13 July 1841, Zakrzewski file, 89.
5. The quotations are from J. Meyer, Das grosse Conversations-Lexicon (1848), cited in Hausen, ‘‘Family and Role Division,’’ 54. See also Frevert, Women in German History, and Habermas, Frauen und Männer.
6. On the Prussian government’s desire to attract ‘‘cultivated women [gebildete Frauen]’’
to midwifery, see the correspondence between the mayor of Berlin and the Ministry of Interior, 19 September 1817, 29 April 1818, and 12 June 1818, Zakrzewski file, 7–10, 48–52, 53–56.
7. Marie Elizabeth Zakrzewska: A Memoir, 7. This story is repeated in WQ, 483 n. 1. On the importance of reading such stories as legends and not simply factual accounts, see Davis, Fiction in the Archives, and White, Content of the Form.
8. Klaus Zernack, professor emeritus of history at the Free University in Berlin, pers.
comm. Martin Ludwig claimed that his father had come to Prussia in 1787, yet the second partitioning of Poland, when Russia claimed Polish territory, occurred in 1793. See Zakrzewski to the state minister, 11 June 1842, Zakrzewski file, 105–6.
9. Davies, God’s Playground, 1:369. On the Polish nobility, see ibid., 201–55, 321–72, 511–46.
10. Smith, German Nationalism and Religious Conflict and Protestants, Catholics, and Jews.
11. The information on Zakrzewska’s grandfather is from the following letters: Zakrzewski to the king, 24 November 1839, and Zakrzewski to the state minister, 11 June 1842, Zakrzewski file, 28–29, 105–6.
12. La Vopa, Prussian Schoolteachers, 38.
13. Ibid., 53. On the reform of the elementary school system, see ibid., 17–77. For a brief
NOTES TO PAGES 20 – 23
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discussion of Prussian educational reform, see Sheehan, German History, 513–16, and Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte, 451–82.
14. La Vopa, Prussian Schoolteachers, 32; Koselleck, Preussen zwischen Reform und Revolution, 78–115. The list of who counted as an Eximierte is from Frevert, Women in German History, 32.
15. Sheehan, German History, 291–310; Rosenberg, Bureaucracy, Aristocracy, and Autocracy, 207.
16. Martin Ludwig never tired of pointing out that his father’s struggles to support the family had made it impossible for him to attend good schools or the university. See, for example, Zakrzewski to the king, 24 November 1839, Zakrzewski file, 28–29.
17. Martin Ludwig mentioned that not only had his father tutored him privately but the services of a local preacher had been engaged for this purpose as well. See Zakrzewski to the king, 24 November 1839, and Zakrzewski to the state minister, 7 May 1840, Zakrzewski file, 28–29, 49–50. On the internship system, see Sheehan, German History, 519–20.
18. This information is culled from the following sources: a military attest of Zakrzewski’s service, dated 18 July 1837; Zakrzewski to the state minister, 20 November 1838, 29 June 1839, and 13 July 1841; and Zakrzewski to the king, 24 November 1839, all in Zakrzewski file, 17, 7–
8, 16, 89–94, 28–29.
19. PI, 32.
20. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 13 July 1841, Zakrzewski file, 89–94; quotation on 89.
See also his letters to the state minister on 13 October 1837 and 29 June 1839, in ibid., 2, 16–17.
21. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 20 November 1838 and 25 August 1839, in ibid., 7–8, 20–22.
22. Sophie was probably born in 1830, Anna in 1833, and Herman in 1834. The stillbirth probably occurred in 1832. I have made these determinations based on information culled from the following: PI, 19, 22, 93, 127; Zakrzewski to the state minister, 5 October 1843 and 25
October 1856, Zakrzewski file, 122–23, 333–34.
23. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 13 July 1841, Zakrzewski file, 89–94. Although the letter is dated 1841, Zakrzewski is referring to his situation at the time he first requested a civilian position in 1831.
Although exact figures are di≈cult to come by, a salary of thirty taler per month (or the equivalent of 1,080 marks a year) probably placed the Zakrzewski family in the top 10–20
percent of the population as far as earning power was concerned. Even as late as 1849, a beginning government clerk did not earn much more. These judgments are based on a series of tables collected in Fischer, Krengel, and Wietog, Sozialgeschichtliches Arbeitsbuch I. See esp. the tables on 122–25, 153, and 161–65. In addition, Levine ( Spirit of 1848, 19) cites a nineteenth-century source that claimed one needed at least 400 gulden (or 225 taler) to achieve personal independence.
24. Marie Elizabeth Zakrzewska: A Memoir, 8. This story is repeated in WQ, 484 n. 1.
25. Fraser, Gypsies; Hancock, introduction to The Gypsies of Eastern Europe, ed. Crow and Kolsti, and ‘‘Gypsy History in Germany and Neighboring Lands.’’
26. Zakrzewski to Adalbert von Ladenberg, minister of culture, 30 October 1849, Zakrzewski file, 185–86. Zakrzewska discusses her experiences visiting her grandfather at the almshouse in PI, 26–31.
NOTES TO PAGES 23 – 27
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27. Frevert, Women in German History.
28. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 13 July 1841, Zakrzewski file, 89–94.
29. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 25 October 1856, in ibid., 333–34. See also PI, 148.
30. Zakrzewski mentions Ladenberg’s help in a letter to the state minister, 13 October 1837, Zakrzewski file, 2. See also PI, 33. On Ladenberg’s various positions in the Prussian government, see Lüdicke, Die Preußischen Kultusminister, Beilage II. On Caroline Fredericke’s repeated attempts to gain entry to the school of midwifery, see Zakrzewski to the state minister, 13 July 1841, Zakrzewski file, 89–94.
31. For information on the general course of instruction at the midwifery school, see Augustin, Die Königlich Preußische Medicinalverfassung, 526–33. See also Sudho√, ‘‘Aus der Geschichte des Charite-Krankenhauses zu Berlin,’’ and Diepgen and Heischkel, Die Medizin an der Berliner Charité. The special arrangements for the midwifery pupils from Berlin are spelled out in Schmidt, ‘‘Die geburtshülflich-klinischen Institute,’’ 503.
32. Caroline Fredericke is listed as a licensed practitioner in Verzeichneß der approbirten und praktisirenden Hebammen, PBL, Rep. 30 Berlin, C-Polizei Präsidium, Tit. 50, Nr. 2234, p. 109.
33. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 16 October 1846, Zakrzewski file, 145.
34. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 13 July 1841, in ibid., 89–94.
35. The material on this turf battle is extensive and can be found in GStA PK, Rep. 76 Va, Sekt. 2, Tit. X, Nr. 8, Bd. V, pp. 135–256. See also Tuchman, ‘‘ ‘True Assistant to the Obstetrician.’ ’’ For Caroline Fredericke’s particular role in this battle, see the Ministry of Culture to the midwives Freyer, Zakrzewski, and Genossin, 14 January 1842, which mentions the complaint they registered on 4 December 1841, in PBL, Rep. 30 Berlin, C-Polizei Präsidium, Tit. 50, Nr. 2232, pp. 51–52, and Eichhorn to the midwives Freyer, Zakrzewski (spelled Zackrzewski in the original), and Zimmerman geb. Meinicke, 3 December 1847, which mentions the complaint they registered on 12 July 1845, in GStA PK, Rep. 76 Va, Sekt.
2, Tit. X, Nr. 8, Bd. VI, p. 84. For the deliveries Caroline Fredericke Zakrzewski carried out through Busch’s polyclinic, see the lists Busch submitted to Eichhorn on 27 July 1850, 8
February 1851, 29 September 1851, 26 January 1852, 21 September 1852, 15 January 1853, and 30 August 1853, all in ibid., 193–203, 216–26, 235–43, 248–56, 272–79, 372–75, 383–86.
36. PI, 55–56.
37. See Chapter 10 of this book.
38. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 20 November 1838, Zakrzewski file, 7–8. See also
the War Ministry’s explanation of why he lost his pension, in its letter to Altenstein, 2 May 1840, in ibid., 44–45. For Zakrzewski’s various positions and promotions, see Zakrzewski to the state minister, 13 October 1837; Felgentre√ to the state minister, 29 June 1838; State Ministry to the General Registrar (General = Kasse), 7 July 1838, all in ibid., 2, 4, 5. On the status of nineteenth-century German civil servants, see Sheehan, German History, 504–23.
39. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 13 July 1841, Zakrzewski file, 89–94.
40. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 5 October 1842, in ibid, 116–17. On Zakrzewski’s promotion, see the state minister to Zakrzewski, 12 August 1841, in ibid., 95. On the scripted nature of many archival documents, see Davis, Fiction in the Archives.
41. On Rosalie’s birth, see Zakrzewski to the state minister, 27 October 1844 and 25
October 1856, Zakrzewski file, 132, 333–34. On the birth of their seventh child, see Zakrzew-
NOTES TO PAGES 27 – 30
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ski to the state minister, 9 February 1847, in ibid., 148. On Caroline Fredericke’s dropsy, see Zakrzewski to the state minister, 5 April 1847, in ibid., 150–51. On the nineteenth-century German middle class and the ideology of separate spheres, see Hausen, ‘‘Family and Role Division.’’
42. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 16 October 1846, Zakrzewski file, 145.
43. In 1838, Zakrzewski mentioned that his two older daughters were in school and that it was costing him 2.25 taler per month. See Zakrzewski to the state minister, 20 November 1838, in ibid., 7–8. For other discussions of his children’s schooling, see his letters to the state minister on 5 October 1843 and 5 April 1847, in ibid., 122–23, 150–51. On girls’ seminaries, see Albisetti, Schooling German Girls and Women.
44. La Vopa, Prussian Schoolteachers, 25–51; Schöler, Geschichte des naturwissenschaftlichen Unterrichts; Sheehan, German History, 513–16; Tuchman, Science, Medicine, and the State, 44–49.
45. Herman Zakrzewski began attending the höhere Bürgerschule run by Marggra√ on Sophien-Kirchgasse in October 1843. See Zakrzewski to the state minister, 5 October 1843, Zakrzewski file, 122–23. Herman ended up becoming an engineer. See PI, 127.
46. PI, 39. On the content of the curriculum in the girls’ seminaries, see Albisetti, Schooling German Girls and Women.
47. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 5 October 1843, Zakrzewski file, 122–23.
48. See PI, 25. Zakrzewski mentions his daughters’ confirmations in his letters to the state minister on 19 January 1845, 3 September 1848, and 28 December 1848, all in Zakrzewski file, 135–36, 174–75, 176.
49. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 9 February 1847, in ibid., 148.
50. Zakrzewski’s worst bout of illness had been in the summer of 1840, when he had landed in the Charité hospital for almost two months, convinced that his own death was imminent.
See Zakrzewski to the state minister on 5 May 1840, 7 May 1840, and 11 May 1840, in ibid., 46, 49–50, 52. On his other bouts of illness, see Zakrzewski to the state minister, 25 August 1839 and 25 May 1848; Felgentre√ to the state minister, 6 November 1843 and 17 December 1843; and Wiegner to the state minister, 3 July 1851, in ibid., 20–22, 161–62, 125, 130, 202.
51. Hachtmann, Berlin 1848; Sheehan, German History, 656–729; Siemann, Gesellschaft im Aufbruch.
52. Hachtmann, Berlin 1848; Sheehan, German History, 665–69.
53. ‘‘Extract,’’ no date, Zakrzewski file, 188. On the Bürgerwehr, see Hachtmann, Berlin 1848, 234–59.
54. Fricke, Lexikon zur Parteiengeschichte; Paschen, Demokratische Vereine und Preußischer Staat; Sheehan, German History, 656–710.
55. Sheehan, German History, 704–18.
56. ‘‘Extract,’’ no date, Zakrzewski file, 188. See also Adalbert von Ladenberg, minister of culture, to Karl Ludwig von Hinckeldey, president of the police, 21 March 1850; Hinckeldey to Ladenberg, 6 June 1850; and Undersecretary of State Hermann Lehnert to Ladenberg, 19
June 1850, all in ibid., 189, 192–93, 194–95.
57. Zakrzewski to Ladenberg, 19 June 1850, in ibid., 196–99. For the letter in which he at first denied everything, see Lehnert to Ladenberg, 19 June 1850, in ibid., 194–95.
58. Lüdicke, Die Preußischen Kultusminister, Beilage II.
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59. Sheehan, German History, 656–729.
60. Lehnert, ‘‘to Zakrzewski’s file,’’ 29 June 1850, Zakrzewski file, 200–201. Zakrzewski
‘‘read, approved, and signed’’ this letter. The formality of the exchange suggests that this may have been a pattern adopted as the police pursued its investigations of middle-class individuals and members of the civil service, most of whom were exonerated. The vast majority of people killed during the street battles or later investigated were, in contrast, from less privileged segments of the population. See Sheehan, German History, 708.
61. PI, 39.
62. Ibid., 32–33.
63. Military attest, 18 July 1837, Zakrzewski file, 17.
64. Zakrzewska mentioned this in a letter to Paulina Pope, 28 October 1901, NEHWC
Collection, box 1, SS. I am grateful to Regina Morantz-Sanchez for sending me a copy of this letter. A brief excerpt from this letter is cited in WQ, 297.
65. Zakrzewski to the state minister, 5 April 1847, Zakrzewski file, 150–51. For his oath, see 7 October 1841, in ibid., 99.
66. I develop this in greater detail in Chapter 6 of this book.
67. PI, 33–35.
68. Wells, Out of the Dead House, 3–4.
69. PI, 42.
70. It was unusual for nineteenth-century women to write autobiographical sketches in which they presented themselves as being in control of their lives. See Heilbrun, Writing a Woman’s Life.
71. PI, 44.
72. Zakrzewski mentions his adopted son in two letters to the state minister, 30 October 1849 and 16 April 1855, Zakrzewski file, 185–86, 310–11. Zakrzewska also mentions her brother in PI, 147.
73. PI, 39, 52.
74. Ibid., 86. See also her comment on 72.
75. Zakrzewska to Caroline Severance, 8 September 1889, in Severance Papers.
76. PI, 36.
77. Ibid., 44–46.
78. Bonner, To the Ends of the Earth, chap. 5.
c h a p t e r t w o
1. Zakrzewska discusses this experience in PI, 53–61.
2. Schmidt, Lehrbuch der Geburtskunde, 2; Credé, Die Preußischen Hebammen, 9. Zakrzewska states the reasons for her rejection in PI, 57–58.
3. PI, 58, 60. I have not been able to find any corroborating evidence that Schmidt did, in fact, take Zakrzewska’s case to the king.
4. See Fassbender, Geschichte der Geburtshilfe, 256–57, and Donnison, Midwives and Medical Men, 54.
NOTES TO PAGES 37 – 41
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5. Schmidt, Die Reform der Medizinalverfassung Preußens, 26–29. On the various changes that led to the emergence of a powerful medical profession, see Fischer, Geschichte des deutschen Gesundheitswesens; Huerkamp, Der Aufstieg der Ärzte; McClelland, German Experience of Professionalization; and Tuchman, Science, Medicine, and the State.
6. Biographical information on Schmidt can be found in Fraatz, Der Paderborner Kreisarzt.
See also Hirsch, Biographisches Lexikon, 95–97.
7. Johann Nepomuk Rust et al., ‘‘Vorbericht zur ersten Aufgabe,’’ in Schmidt, Lehrbuch der Geburtskunde, p. VIII.
8. Schmidt, Die Reform der Medicinalverfassung Preußens. On Schmidt’s call to Berlin, see Fraatz, Der Paderborner Kreisarzt, 48, and Dudenhausen, Stürzbecher, and Engel, Die Hebamme im Spiegel, 15.
9. Physicians were licensed to practice medicine and surgery; surgeons of the first class were also licensed to practice both, but they could practice internal medicine only if they lived in a district where no physician had established himself. Surgeons of the second class were licensed only to perform minor surgeries and to assi
st their superiors. See Huerkamp, Der Aufstieg der Ärzte, 45–50.
10. Schmidt, Die Reform der Medizinalverfassung Preußens, 16. On the midcentury medical reforms in Prussia and elsewhere, see Huerkamp, Der Aufstieg der Ärzte; Sczibilanski, ‘‘Von der Prüfungs- und Vorprüfungsordnung’’; and Tuchman, Science, Medicine, and the State, chap. 8.
For a general analysis of professionalization strategies, see Larson, Rise of Professionalism, especially the introduction.
11. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Sind Hebammenschulen wünschenswerth?’’ I discuss this in greater detail in Chapter 4.
12. PI, 57–64.
13. For a more detailed analysis of this debate, see Tuchman, ‘‘ ‘True Assistant to the Obstetrician.’ ’’
14. Schmidt, Lehrbuch der Geburtskunde, 1.
15. See ‘‘Erörterungen der bisherigen Verhältnisse,’’ 53–54; the minister of culture to the police president, 16 March 1852, PBL, Rep. 30 Berlin, C-Polizei Präsidium, Tit. 50, Nr. 2236, p. 87; and PI, 80.
16. Mayer to Eichhorn, 20 December 1847, GStA PK, Rep. 76 VIIIA, Nr. 896. This file was not paginated. However, the comment appears on the fourth page of Mayer’s document.
See also ‘‘Erörterungen der bisherigen Verhältnisse,’’ 50.
17. Schmidt to Undersecretary of State Hermann Lehnert, 16 January 1848, GStA PK, Rep. 76 VIIIA, Nr. 896, 9.
18. I return to this point in Chapter 4.
19. Borst, ‘‘Training and Practice of Midwives’’ and Catching Babies; Leavitt, Brought to Bed; Smith, ‘‘Medicine, Midwifery, and the State’’; Ulrich, Midwife’s Tale. On the relationship between the state and the licensing of midwives in states and countries throughout Europe, see Lindemann, Health and Healing, 194; Loetz, Vom Kranken zum Patienten, 144–49, 182–90; Marland, Art of Midwifery and Midwives, Society and Childbirth; and Wilson, Making of Man-Midwifery.
NOTES TO PAGES 41 – 47
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20. On the sense of professionalism among German-trained midwives who immigrated to the United States, see Borst, ‘‘Training and Practice of Midwives.’’
Science Has No Sex Page 39