83. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Thesis. The Organ of Parturition,’’ 2.
84. The physician was the famous seventeenth-century Dutch physician Jan Swammer-dam. See ibid., 14.
85. WQ, 163.
86. Ibid., 165.
87. Ibid., 168.
c h a p t e r f o u r
1. WQ, 177–78; Zakrzewski to the state minister, 26 February 1856, 25 October 1856, and 19 November 1856, all in Zakrzewski file, 320–21, 333–34, 331. Zakrzewski never took the trip, presumably because Anna and Sophie, who had not been well during the summer of 1856, both recovered.
2. WQ, 179–80. See also PI, 153.
3. WQ, 181–82. Zakrzewska’s youngest sister, Rosalia, also eventually joined them. See Sahli, Elizabeth Blackwell, 128.
4. Appeal in Behalf of the Medical Education of Women, 5–6. I am grateful to Richard Wolfe, former rare book librarian of the Countway, for making a copy of this available to me.
Although the pamphlet was published anonymously, there can be no question that it reflected the work of both Blackwell and Zakrzewska. More than likely, though, given Zakrzewska’s trouble with the English language, Blackwell was the one who sat down and wrote it.
Zakrzewska discussed the content of this pamphlet in WQ, 191.
5. Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 72–76.
6. WQ, 180, 206.
7. Gordon, ‘‘Voluntary Motherhood’’; Mohr, Abortion in America; Reagan, When Abortion Was a Crime.
8. Appeal in Behalf of the Medical Education of Women, 6.
9. Ibid. Once women graduated from medical school, they had another option. Many European clinics and hospitals opened their doors to graduates for brief periods, even while European medical schools remained closed to them. See Bonner, To the Ends of the Earth, 25.
10. Rosenberg, Care of Strangers; Warner, ‘‘Selective Transport of Medical Knowledge’’ and Against the Spirit of System.
11. To get around this problem, private programs were often established in which medical faculty who had access to hospital wards would complement formal school requirements by providing clinical lectures for a fee. It is unclear, though, whether students enjoyed any hands-on experience through these extracurricular courses of instruction. Indeed, the very language of the advertisements suggests that students observed clinical cases and anatomical dissections rather than being guided to develop their own practical skills. See Warner, Against the Spirit of System, 28–29.
NOTES TO PAGES 82 – 89
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12. Appeal in Behalf of the Medical Education of Women, 8–9.
13. Ibid., 6–7.
14. See, for example, Bonner, American Doctors and German Universities; Ludmerer, Learning to Heal; Rosenberg, Care of Strangers; Shryock, Development of Modern Medicine; and Warner, Therapeutic Perspective. Two exceptions to this are Bonner, To the Ends of the Earth, and Warner, Against the Spirit of System.
15. Appeal in Behalf of the Medical Education of Women, 10.
16. Warner, Against the Spirit of System.
17. WQ, 198–202.
18. Ibid., 227, 230.
19. On Booth, see ibid., 184–85; Zakrzewska, ‘‘Mary L. Booth’’; and ‘‘Mary Louis Booth.’’
20. William Lloyd Garrison to Wendell Phillips Garrison, 9 March 1857, Garrison Family Collection, Biography, box 84, SS. See also WQ, 185–86, 194.
21. William Lloyd Garrison to his wife, Helen, 13 May 1857, in Merrill and Ruchames, Letters of William Lloyd Garrison, 4:438–39. On the opening of the hospital, see PI, 158–59; WQ, 209–11; and Sahli, Elizabeth Blackwell, 134–35.
22. Zakrzewska to Harriot Hunt, 14 May 1857, Dall Papers, box 2, folder 15. This is, to my knowledge, the only time Zakrzewska ever gave the slightest hint of a belief in God. By the end of the decade she had become an atheist.
23. Elizabeth to Emily Blackwell, 12 May 1854, reprinted in Blackwell, Pioneer Work, 201; Hunt, Glances and Glimpses, 347. Both have already been discussed in Chapter 3.
24. Zakrzewska to Paulina Pope, 28 October 1901, NEHWC Collection, box 1, SS.
25. Blackwell, ‘‘New York Infirmary.’’ See also PI, 159–60; WQ, 211–14; and Blackwell, Pioneer Work, 207–11.
26. For a discussion of these criticisms, see Rosenberg, Care of Strangers, 200–209, and Warner, Against the Spirit of System, 53, 98–99.
27. Appeal in Behalf of the Medical Education of Women, 7–10. See also WQ, 212–13.
28. Zakrzewska to Paulina Pope, 28 October 1901, NEHWC Collection, box 1, SS.
29. PI, 159–60; WQ, 182, 211–27; L’Esperance, ‘‘Influence of the New York Infirmary’’; Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 75. For another example of male physicians lending support to an all-female institution, see Peitzman, New and Untried Course.
30. On the German radical community in America, see Brancaforte, German Forty-Eighters; Hamerow, ‘‘Two Worlds of the Forty-Eighters,’’ 19–35; Levine, Spirit of 1848; McCormick, Germans in America; and Nadel, Little Germany. For an important study that also analyzes the impact of German radical politics on nineteenth-century American medicine, see Viner,
‘‘Healthy Children for a New World.’’
31. Wittke, Against the Current.
32. Zakrzewska mentioned this in her letter to Paulina Pope, 28 October 1901, NEHWC
Collection, box 1, SS. See also WQ, 297, and Wittke, Against the Current.
33. ‘‘Boston ‘Pionier.’ ’’ See also Wittke, Against the Current, 110.
34. Originally written on 13 July 1852, Greeley’s comments were reprinted in ‘‘Die teutsche Organisation,’’ 2. Cited in Wittke, Against the Current, 90.
35. Wittke, Against the Current, 145.
NOTES TO PAGES 89 – 95
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36. Zakrzewska to Paulina Pope, 28 October 1901, NEHWC Collection, box 1, SS.
37. On Heinzen’s decision to move to Boston, see Heinzen, ‘‘Verlegung des ‘Pionier’ nach Boston,’’ 1. On the negotiations surrounding Zakrzewska’s move to Boston, see Waite, History of the New England Female Medical College, 43; WQ, 236–38; and ‘‘History of the New-England Hospital for Women and Children,’’ AR, 1876, 5.
38. [Zakrzewska] Eine ‘‘Aerztinn,’’ ‘‘Weibliche Aerzte’’; Zakrzewska, ‘‘Sind Hebammenschulen wünschenswerth?’’ Note that Zakrzewska published ‘‘Weibliche Aerzte’’ anonymously, signing it Eine ‘‘Aerztinn’’ rather than with her own name. It is doubtful that she did this to protect herself. The German radical community was too small for there to be any doubt as to who had penned the article. No other German female physician had such close ties to Heinzen; the views expressed in this article match those Zakrzewska expressed elsewhere; and the writer’s biting wit is reminiscent of Zakrzewska’s sense of humor. A more likely explanation is that she wished to imply that the views expressed therein reflected those of the typical female physician, rather than hers alone.
39. For an analysis of biological arguments against women’s entry into the public sphere, see Morantz-Sanchez, ‘‘ ‘Connecting Link’ ’’; Smith-Rosenberg and Rosenberg, ‘‘Female Animal’’; and Schiebinger, Mind Has No Sex?
40. [Zakrzewska] Eine ‘‘Aerztinn,’’ ‘‘Weibliche Aerzte.’’
41. Ibid. On nineteenth-century women physicians’ use of satire in their battle to gain entry into the medical profession, see Wells, Out of the Dead House, 92–99.
42. [Zakrzewska] Eine ‘‘Aerztinn,’’ ‘‘Weibliche Aerzte.’’ On the concerns physicians voiced about the potential of dissection to brutalize medical students, male and female alike, see Warner, Against the Spirit of System, 264–65.
43. [Zakrzewska] Eine ‘‘Aerztinn,’’ ‘‘Weibliche Aerzte.’’
44. Ibid.
45. Ibid.
46. Morantz-Sanchez, ‘‘Feminist Theory and Historical Practice.’’ See also Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, chap. 7.
47. On Preston, see Wells, Out of the Dead House, 57–79, and Peitzman, New and Untrie
d Course, 45–55.
48. Wells, Out of the Dead House, 122–45.
49. Ibid., 146–92; Bittel, ‘‘Science of Women’s Rights.’’
50. I am grateful to the participants in the National Library of Medicine’s symposium
‘‘Women Physicians, Women’s Politics, and Women’s Health: Emerging Narratives,’’ especially Carla Bittel, Regina Morantz-Sanchez, Ellen Singer More, and Susan Wells, for encouraging me to explore the connections between Zakrzewska’s performances and those of some of her contemporaries. This symposium took place 9–11 March 2005.
51. Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science.
52. See Tuchman, ‘‘ ‘Only in a Republic.’ ’’ See also Chapter 5 of this book. Interestingly, Jacobi’s positive assessment of science stemmed as well from her embrace of a brand of European radicalism. See Bittel, ‘‘Science of Women’s Rights.’’
53. The extent to which Zakrzewska may, at this point in her life, have been influenced by women’s rights advocates like Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton is unclear. On
NOTES TO PAGES 96 – 102
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Anthony’s and Stanton’s embrace of rationality over sentimentality and their denial of sexual di√erences, see Barry, Susan B. Anthony, 124–34, and Pellauer, Toward a Tradition of Feminist Theology.
54. Borst, Catching Babies; Kobrin, ‘‘American Midwife Controversy’’; Lito√, American Midwives; Wertz and Wertz, Lying-in.
55. Zakrzewska mentioned this in Eine ‘‘Aerztinn,’’ ‘‘Weibliche Aerzte.’’
56. On the large number of German-trained midwives in the United States, see Borst, Catching Babies and ‘‘Training and Practice of Midwives.’’
57. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Sind Hebammenschulen wünschenswerth?’’
58. Ibid.
59. Ibid.
60. Zakrzewska to Paulina Pope, 28 October 1901, NEHWC Collection, box 1, SS.
61. WQ, 237.
62. Zakrzewska to Hunt, 14 May 1857, Dall Papers, box 2, folder 15.
63. Nadel, Little Germany, 136.
64. WQ, 230, 239. See also ibid., 235, and Zakrzewska, ‘‘Mary L. Booth,’’ 105.
65. Heilbrun, Writing a Woman’s Life, 108.
66. Faderman, Surpassing the Love of Men; Smith-Rosenberg, ‘‘Female World of Love and Ritual.’’
67. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Mary L. Booth,’’ 106.
68. ‘‘Woman and the Press.’’ Zakrzewska and Booth abandoned this plan because of the Civil War.
69. PI, 162.
70. Smith-Rosenberg, ‘‘Female World of Love and Ritual.’’
c h a p t e r f i v e
1. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (4 February 1863). On home ownership as a mark of middle-class respectability, see Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, 181–82.
2. Austin, Voice to the Married, 38, cited in Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, 147. See also Deutsch, Women and the City, 54–77, and Cott, Public Vows.
3. Zakrzewska made this comment in a eulogy she wrote for herself, which was published in C. W., ‘‘Dr. Zakrzewska’s Funeral.’’ The eulogy is reprinted in WQ, 474–78, quotation on 477. For the makeup of her household, see Zakrzewska to Paulina Pope, 28 October 1901, NEHWC Collection, box 1, SS, and Wittke, Against the Current, 22–23.
4. Hausen, ‘‘Family and Role Division,’’ 51. Zakrzewska was not alone among women physicians in creating an alternative family. Ann Preston also shared her home o√ and on with others, including other unmarried women, a woman and her child, and a married couple. See Peitzman, New and Untried Course, 50.
5. Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 135. See also More, Restoring the Balance, 24.
6. PI, 119–20.
7. Cott, Public Vows.
NOTES TO PAGES 103 – 7
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8. The term ‘‘streetcar suburb’’ is from the title of Warner’s book Streetcar Suburbs. On Roxbury, see ibid., 21–29, and Handlin, Boston’s Immigrants, 99.
9. On the Tremont area and Roxbury Highlands, see Handlin, Boston’s Immigrants, 86–116.
On Zakrzewska’s home and garden, see Zakrzewska to Paulina Pope, 28 October 1901, NEHWC Collection, box 1, SS; Fiftieth Anniversary of the New England Hospital, 48; and Zakrzewska to ‘‘Miss Baker,’’ 15 May 1879, New England Hospital Collection, Miscellaneous, Countway.
10. WQ, 269. On 20 December 1859, Martin Zakrzewski’s widow wrote to the Prussian ministry informing it that her husband had died that day. See Widow Zakrzewski to ‘‘Ew.
Excellenz,’’ 20 December 1859, Zakrzewski file, 343. Zakrzewska’s claim in WQ (268) that she had heard of her father’s death in November must, therefore, be mistaken.
11. ‘‘Wilhelmine J. Zakrzewska’’; Zakrzewska to Paulina Pope, 28 October 1901, NEHWC
Collection, box 1, SS. Although Zakrzewska never mentioned her dependent sisters by name, they could only have been Rosalia and Minna. See Zakrzewska to Lucy Sewall, 25 January 1863 and 7 May 1863, cited in WQ, 306, 311, and Zakrzewska to Paulina Pope, 28 October 1901.
12. Kitty Barry Blackwell, ‘‘Reminiscences,’’ cited in Sahli, Elizabeth Blackwell, 178 n. 56.
13. Zakrzewska made this comment in a letter to Lucy Sewall, 7 May 1863, reprinted in WQ, 311. See also ibid., 296. I wish to thank Bob Doerr, the great-grandson of Zakrzewska’s brother Herman, for sharing his knowledge with me of his family’s genealogy. He informed me of Rosalia’s marriage to John C. Steinebrey.
14. Zakrzewska to Paulina Pope, 28 October 1901, NEHWC Collection, box 1, SS. See also WQ, 297, where Vietor has cited from this letter after improving Zakrzewska’s English.
15. See, for example, her letter to Heinzen, 5 February 1873, Karl Heinzen Papers, LBC.
There are more than a dozen letters from Neymann to Heinzen in this collection, mostly from 1872 and 1873. See also Wittke, Against the Current, 131–34.
16. The quotation is from ‘‘Organisation der freisinnigen Teutschen,’’ 6. On Zakrzewska’s political activities, see, for example, Der Pionier, 9 September 1863, which lists her as a donor for the Feuerbach fund, and 24 January 1877, 5, which mentions her involvement in the Society for the Dissemination of Radical Principles.
17. Cited in WQ, 460.
18. Heinzen, Die Helden des teutschen Kommunismus, 17.
19. See, for example, Heinzen, ‘‘Ueber die ‘Liebe,’ ’’ 34–35.
20. Zakrzewska to Paulina Pope, 28 October 1901, NEHWC Collection, box 1, SS.
21. Heinzen, ‘‘Was ist Humanität?,’’ 310. See also Wittke, Against the Current, 84–94.
22. Wittke, Against the Current, 171–98; Gienapp, ‘‘Nativism and the Creation of a Republican Majority,’’ 529–59; Levine, Spirit of 1848. On Heinzen’s alienation of many of his friends because of his views on Lincoln, see Julia Sprague to George Schumm, 11 March 1909, George Schumm Papers, LBC. On Heinzen’s views on the source of racial di√erences, see Heinzen, Communism and Socialism, 9.
23. Heinzen, Die Helden des teutschen Kommunismus, 3.
24. PI, 119.
25. Heinzen, Communism and Socialism, 4.
NOTES TO PAGES 107 – 12
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26. Ibid., 16–19. See also Heinzen, Die Helden des teutschen Kommunismus, 17–18. Wittke discusses Heinzen’s views on communism in Against the Current, 229–49.
27. Heinzen, Communism and Socialism, 29, 34, 36, 38. The reference to ‘‘socialistic institutions’’ can be found on 34.
28. Heinzen, What Is Real Democracy? , 64.
29. Heinzen, ‘‘Wer and was ist, das Volk,’’ 199.
30. Heinzen, Separation of State and Church, 1, 8.
31. Heinzen, Communism and Socialism, 43. See also Heinzen, ‘‘Zur Moral des Radikalismus,’’ 9; ‘‘Was ist Humanität?,’’ 274–312; ‘‘Weiberrecht und Liebe vor dem Richterstuhl der Moral,’’ 237–48; ‘‘Ueber die ‘Liebe,’ ’’ 31; and Rights of Women and the Sexual Relations, 136.
32. Heinzen, Six Letters to a Pious Man, 2
9.
33. On the kind of Christian humanism that motivated American radicals like William Lloyd Garrison to burn the Constitution in protest against the institution of slavery, see Perry, Radical Abolitionism.
34. Heinzen, Six Letters to a Pious Man, 25.
35. Ibid., 27–28.
36. Ibid., 61. Heinzen frequently used religious language to describe radical materialism, such as in an essay on the morality of radicalism, when he went through all ten command-ments and rewrote them for radicals. See his ‘‘Zur Moral des Radikalismus,’’ 5–27.
On the German scientific materialists, see Gregory, Scientific Materialism in Nineteenth Century Germany.
37. I develop this argument in greater detail in Tuchman, Science, Medicine, and the State.
38. In Communism and Socialism, Heinzen insisted that a just society had to guarantee equal rights for all individuals, ‘‘without distinction of descent, of rank, and of sex’’ (37).
39. Heinzen, ‘‘Die Ungenügsamkeit der ‘Rechts’-Weiber,’’ 409.
40. Heinzen, Communism and Socialism, 48. See also his Rights of Women and the Sexual Relations, 37. The relative novelty of this position in the German radical community is mentioned in Levine, Spirit of 1848, 102–3.
41. Zakrzewska’s disputes with Garrison are mentioned by the latter’s son, William Lloyd Garrison II, in a letter, no date, published in WQ, 459–60.
42. Zakrzewska to Lucy Sewall, 1862 (probably November or December), cited in WQ, 303, 316; C. W., ‘‘Dr. Zakrzewska’s Funeral.’’ Zakrzewska mentioned the tensions with friends over her lack of religious beliefs in a letter to Lucy Sewall, 25 January 1863, cited in WQ, 308.
43. Wittke, Against the Current, 137.
44. I have derived my sense of the relationship between Zakrzewska and Mrs. Heinzen from the following letters: Zakrzewska to Caroline Severance, 6 March 1881; Sprague to Caroline Severance, letter fragment from 1892; Sprague to Severance, 29 December 1898, all in Severance Papers. Also Zakrzewska to Miss Channing, 27 December 1892, NEHWC
Collection, box 1, folder 10, SS, and Sprague to Perry, 20 February 1899, New England Women’s Club Records, SL. Carl Wittke, Heizen’s biographer, claims that the two women
‘‘remained the closest friends,’’ but I have not found anything to support this assertion. See Wittke, Against the Current, 137.
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