There was something superhuman about his energy and dedication: the idea of lying in bed, slumping in front of the TV or even relaxing for a whole day with Sarah and the boys was alien to him. There was always a new book to speed-read, a new speech or article to embark on, or one of the rolodex of leaders, thinkers and artists he found fascinating to phone up and absorb ideas from.
However hard the job and however difficult Gordon could sometimes be, when I was with him I always felt as though I was in the presence of greatness and of genius, and could never feel anything less than fierce and devoted loyalty.
During the entire six years I worked directly for him, I only took one proper holiday – that is, a trip overseas for a week, where in theory I didn’t have to worry about things back home. Gordon called up three times a day asking me when I was coming back and whether I could cut the holiday short. I didn’t feel resentful; I actually felt guilty.
Not everyone who worked for Gordon felt the same way. Like any powerful politician, he had a fair share of disloyal shits and prima donnas around him, people hitching a ride for their own career progression, and supposed friends and acolytes who slagged him off behind his back.
But for every one of those, there were people like Sue Nye who stood by him loyally through thick and thin without a thought for their own futures; Shriti Vadera, who took almighty flak on his behalf but never complained to him about it; and Jonathan Ashworth, who continued working eighteen-hour days long after Gordon’s promises to put him forward for a parliamentary seat had come to naught.
There were dozens more – civil servants and political advisers alike – who put in effort, commitment and hours in Gordon’s service beyond any reasonable demands of their jobs and beyond anything that their personal ambitions or motivations could explain, most notably his diary secretary, Leeanne Johnston; his political speechwriter, Kirsty McNeill; and his broadcast adviser, Nicola Burdett, who stayed on with him after he left No. 10.
There were the assortment of polymaths who made up his policy team in No. 10, many of them veterans of the Council of Economic Advisers in the Treasury: Gavin Kelly, Matt Cavanagh, Dan Corry, Stewart Wood, Nick Pearce, Greg Beales and Michael Jacobs; each of them making Hercules look like a Hollywood diva when it came to uncomplaining labour.
And yes, there were people like Charlie Whelan and me, who – unlike most of Gordon’s special advisers – worked on the political side despite having no political aspirations of our own; took daily risks with our own livelihoods; and, like Ian Austin, worked all hours of the day and night to secure him the best possible coverage.
The only thing that all of these people had in common – and several more like us – was Gordon. The only common explanation for our commitment was a shared devotion to him and his cause.
And there is an important corollary to that fact: if people assume that even half of the common media perceptions were true about how Gordon treated his staff, then that devotion, loyalty and commitment would never have existed in one person, let alone so many.
As enraged and frustrated as Gordon regularly was, he was never violent, bullying or abusive to his staff. In six years, working as closely as anyone ever did with Gordon, I never saw him throw a mobile phone or break anything; and I never saw him manhandle anyone, let alone a civil servant.
As far as I’m concerned, those were all total myths put around by over-sensitive or over-imaginative aides trying to make themselves look important to journalists and biographers; and they do a disservice to a man who was admired, respected and even loved by the vast majority of the civil servants and special advisers who worked for him.
It is notable that the same aides never tell of the frequent examples of Gordon’s kindness and thoughtfulness: the lengths to which he would go to get you a personalised signed biography as a birthday or Christmas present; the genuine interest he would always take in your family; and, above all, the real tears he would shed when any of his staff lost their mothers or fathers.
When my mum rang to tell me my dad had died of cancer in November 2006, I quietly left my office, went to the empty upstairs room in the Two Chairmen pub, drank my way through several bottles of wine and pints of lager, sang the old Irish songs he’d taught me as a boy, and let the tears run down my face.
I eventually called Balshen, told her the news, and asked if she would bring over my best friends in the civil service, Robbie Browse and Dawn Goring, later on for a drink and a hug. I told her to let Sue Nye know that I couldn’t face speaking to Gordon when feeling in such an emotional state, so could she make sure this was one evening he didn’t call.
Sue called and told me how sorry she was, but that Gordon was insisting on speaking to me. I said I absolutely didn’t want to talk to him but she said he wouldn’t take no for an answer. I eventually let her transfer the call, and Gordon spoke beautifully and movingly to me about what it’s like to feel proud of your sons, so he knew how proud my dad would have been of me and my brothers and all we’d achieved. It made me weep so much I couldn’t even respond.
The fact was that, just like my dad, Gordon always had a far more effective weapon than a mobile phone or his big clunking fist when he was truly angry: his disapproval. Knowing that you had let him down or been the cause of one of his bad moods, and feeling the sting of his silence when you walked into the room, that was always the hardest thing, as it was the day I had to resign.
And what made that hardest to take is that – right at the last – I’d committed the two gravest sins in Gordon’s book: first, I’d been undisciplined, and second, I’d been caught doing something which – because it didn’t serve his interests and wasn’t done with his knowledge – was the epitome of being in it for myself.
So many people I’ve met since April 2009 have said to me that it was wrong that I had to carry the can on my own when I was only doing Gordon’s bidding, or what I was expected to do in my job. The exact opposite is true. I paid the price for losing track of what the job of working for Gordon was all about.
And the only thing I blame for that besides myself is the corrosive nature of our political system, which – over thirteen years – slowly ate away my principles, scruples and judgement to the point where someone I’d never met before could call me a bastard and one of my closest colleagues could call me cruel, and I’d almost take those things as compliments.
It was only once I got away from that life and experienced the new culture and people at Finchley Catholic High School and CAFOD that I was able to look back at those thirteen years and start to regain some sense of shame, remorse and self-awareness about what it had done to me, and what I’d done to others.
One day in the CAFOD office, I was sounding off loudly about someone who worked for another charity and I felt the old fire building inside me. One of my new colleagues gave me a look and said: ‘Is this what you used to be like? Do you really want to go back to all that?’ I felt suitably chastened, and she continued, telling me one of her husband’s mottos: ‘Look, the world’s full of dickheads. But never let a dickhead make you act like a dickhead.’
As rules of life go, it’s not a bad one. I wish I could give the same advice to my 22-year-old self walking over Blackfriars Bridge for that first day at Customs, along with a few other things: ‘Never let the civil service make you act like a civil servant. Never let the Treasury make you act like a Treasury type. And whatever you do, never let politics make you act like me.’
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thanks to everyone at Biteback Publishing who made this book possible. In particular, Hollie Teague, who managed the content and editing with huge skill and infinite patience; Suzanne Sangster, who is better than I ever was at generating publicity and deciding what media to do; and marketing guru James Stephens, who I’m proud to call my fellow Gooner.
And of course to Iain Dale, my former Smeargate nemesis. He was the last person I expected to be doing this book with, but turned out to be the only publisher I considered once he’d given
me his pitch. A true pro with a kind and forgiving soul. Thanks too to Biteback investor and philanthropist Lord Ashcroft, the first person to put the idea of writing a book in my mind, albeit through an intermediary, way back in 2009.
Thanks to my wonderful brothers, who were so understanding about the demands of writing this book that they never said a word about the demands they themselves were under until it was finished. And thanks to Mum, who was my one-woman focus group for key chapters, and whose nod and smile at the end of the ones she liked will always live with me.
Special thanks to my literary agent Paula for her incomparable advice and wisdom, utterly priceless when I needed validation, inspiration, or just a better phrase. And to my other old friends, who got me through 2009 and encouraged me every step over the last year, especially Big Steve, Anto, Doyley, Gaz, Damo, Paulie and Tel, and Mr & Mrs Stephen Daughton.
Finally, thanks to all the journalists, MPs, friends and former colleagues who’ve had to put up with me over the last few months refusing to return their phone calls or emails. When I signed the contract to write this book, I cut off all contact from key dramatis personae precisely so they could have no influence – even subconsciously – on what I wrote. I maintain that was the right thing to do, but I’m sorry if it upset anyone in the mean time.
INDEX
5 Live 1, 2, 3
Abrahams, David 1, 2
Adams, Gerry 1
Aitkenhead, Decca 1, 2, 3
alcohol 1
Alexander, Douglas 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
Alexander, Wendy 1, 2
Anderson, Iain 1
Ashworth, Jonathan 1, 2, 3, 4
Austin, Ian 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15
Ayia Napa 1
Baker, Norman 1
Balls, Ed 1 working methods at Treasury 1
and fuel duty campaign 1
and VAT reform 1, 2
relationship with Prince Charles 1
and Budget scorecards 1, 2
and 2002 PBR 1
and 2001 Budget 1
role in DMcB’s appointment as Head of Communications 1, 2
personality 1, 2, 3, 4
anger with DMcB over leak 1
breaking bad news to Gordon Brown 1, 2
Budget briefings 1, 2
interview style 1
at IMF meetings 1
and Tony Blair’s third term announcement 1, 2, 3
relationship with Gordon Brown 1, 2
and 2010 Labour Party leadership election 1
and ‘Black Wednesday’ documents leak 1
and Blair/Brown relationship 1
attacks on Conservative Party 1
meeting with Richard Desmond 1
meeting at Daily Mail 1
at 2005 party conference 1
at 2008 party conference 1
and 2006 attempt to force Tony Blair’s resignation 1, 2
and coup attempts against Gordon Brown 1
on people around Gordon Brown 1
and The West Wing 1
and decision not to call 2007 general election 1
seen by Gordon Brown as Chancellor 1
and Red Rag emails 1, 2
Barker, Kate 1
Barlow, Gary 1
Barrett, Diana 1, 2
Bates, Steve 1
Battersby, John 1
Beales, Greg 1
Beckett, Margaret 1
Beijing Olympics 1
Bercow, John 1, 2
Bertram, Theo 1, 2
betting duty 1, 2
‘Black Wednesday’ documents leak 1
Blair, Cherie 1
Blair, Tony and charity tax review 1
reaction to DMcB’s ‘dirty’ stories 1
announces will stay for third term 1
view of European Union 1
and DMcB’s ‘lead in pencil’ comment 1
and international development issues 1
during 2005 general election campaign 1, 2
relationship with Gordon Brown after 2005 1
relationship with press 1, 2
and Granita restaurant summit 1
relationship with News International 1
at 2006 party conference 1
and 2006 attempt to force resignation 1
reshuffles under 1
Blitz, James 1
Blunkett, David 1
Blunt, James 1
Blythe, Nils 1
Boateng, Paul 1, 2
Bolkestein, Frits 1
Bono 1
Boulton, Adam 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
Bowler, James 1, 2
Bowman, Mark 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
Bradby, Tom 1
Brogan, Benedict 1
Brooks, Rebekah 1, 2, 3
Brown, Elizabeth 1
Brown, Fraser 1, 2
Brown, Gordon and Rita Patel 1 and charity tax review 1
working methods at Treasury 1
and fuel duty campaign 1, 2
and VAT reform 1, 2
relationship with Queen 1, 2, 3
and betting duty 1
and small brewers’ relief 1
reaction to DMcB’s alcohol consumption 1, 2, 3
importance of scorecard to 1, 2
interviews DMcB for Head of Communications post 1
personality 1, 2, 3
reactions to bad news 1
and Budget briefings 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
interview style 1
and DMcB’s ‘dirty’ stories 1
reaction to SWIFT deal 1
at 2004 G7 conference 1
visits to Washington 1
reaction to Tony Blair’s third term announcement 1
view of European Union 1
and DMcB’s ‘lead in pencil’ comment 1
relationship with Ed Balls and Ed Miliband 1, 2
at Christmas parties 1
and international development issues 1
and honours system 1
and ‘Black Wednesday’ documents leak 1, 2
during 2005 general election campaign 1, 2
reaction to DMcB’s appointment as political press adviser 1
reaction to Brown’s Britain (Peston) 1
relationship with Tony Blair after 2005 1
relationship with press 1, 2, 3, 4
and expenses scandal 1
on overseas trips as Chancellor 1
and Granita restaurant summit 1
and Richard Desmond 1
and Andy Coulson 1
and Paul Dacre 1
love of football 1
and cricket 1
at 2006 party conference 1
importance of family 1
and 2006 attempt to force Tony Blair’s resignation 1, 2, 3
coup attempts against 1
and Celebrity Big Brother controversy 1
interest in Asia 1
and Beijing Olympics 1, 2
becomes Prime Minister 1
and Arctic Monkeys 1
early days as Prime Minister 1
first holiday as Prime Minister 1
deals with foot-and-mouth outbreak 1
meeting with George W. Bush 1
meetings with Barack Obama 1
invites Margaret Thatcher to Downing Street 1
decides not to call 2007 general election 1
problems after general election decision 1
brings in ‘new people’ 1
at 2008 party conference 1
and Alistair Darling’s interview in The Guardian 1, 2
wants Ed Balls as Chancellor 1
reshuffles under 1, 2
and David Miliband’s Guardian article 1, 2
and Peter Mandelson 1, 2
moves DMcB to Head of Strategy 1
reacts to 2008 financial crisis 1
and Managing Director post at IMF 1
reaction to Red Rag emails 1, 2
DMcB on working with 1
Brown, Jennifer 1
Brown, John 1, 2
Brown, Nick 1, 2
Brown, Paul 1, 2
Brown, Sarah 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17
Browne, Des 1
Brown’s Britain (Peston) 1
Browse, Robbie 1, 2
Brummer, Alex 1, 2, 3
Bryce, Rod 1
Budgets see also Pre-Budget Reports 2000 1, 2
2001 1
2002 1, 2
2006 1
2008 1
2012 1, 2, 3
2013 1
scorecard for 1, 2, 3
and Red Book 1, 2, 3
briefings for 1
Burdett, Nicola 1, 2, 3
Burke, Barbara 1
Burley, Kay 1, 2, 3
Burnham, Andy 1
Bush, George W. 1, 2
Butterly, John 1, 2
Byers, Stephen 1
Byrne, Liam 1
Cable, Vince 1, 2
CAFOD 1
Cambridge University DMcB at 1
Cameron, David 1, 2 and modernisation of Conservative Party 1
early mistakes 1
and expenses scandal 1
use of family in publicity 1
speech to No. 10 staff 1
and foot-and-mouth outbreak 1
and Barack Obama 1
at unveiling of Margaret Thatcher’s portrait 1
and Gordon Brown’s nomination for IMF 1
Cameron, Samantha 1
Campbell, Alastair 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Campbell, Nicky 1, 2
Carter, Stephen 1
Casey, Louise 1
Cavanagh, Matt 1
Celebrity Big Brother controversy 1
Chan, Jackie 1
Channel 4 News 1
Chapman, Herbert 1
charity tax review 1, 2
Charles, Prince 1
Charlie Rose show 1
China 1
churches 1
Churchill, Winston 1
civil service 1, 2, 3, 4
Clarke, Charles 1, 2
Clarke, Ken 1, 2
Clarke, Mark 1
Clinton, Bill 1
Clinton, Hillary 1, 2
Clough, Brian 1
Coaker, Vernon 1
Cole, Cheryl 1
Collins, Philip 1
Power Trip Page 44