The boards had been under: Purdy, “North Carolina’s Partisan Crisis.”
the chair of the election boards: “Proposed Cuts to Gov.-Elect Roy Cooper’s Appointment Powers Passes NC House in 70–36 Vote.”
the legislature voted to shrink: “Rebuked Twice by Supreme Court, North Carolina Republicans Are Unabashed,” New York Times, May 27, 2017.
“American democracy”: Quoted in Purdy, “North Carolina’s Partisan Crisis.”
Baron de Montesquieu pioneered: Baron von Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
American Creed: Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and American Democracy (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1944), pp. 3–4.
“The Democratic negotiating position”: David Faris, “It’s Time for Democrats to Fight Dirty,” The Week, December 1, 2016.
“doing little to stop him”: Dahlia Lithwick and David S. Cohen, “Buck Up, Democrats, and Fight Like Republicans,” New York Times, December 14, 2016.
“lacks legitimacy”: Quoted in Daniella Diaz and Eugene Scott, “These Democrats Aren’t Attending Trump’s Inauguration,” CNN.com, January 17, 2017.
“legitimate president”: Quoted in Theodore Schleifer, “John Lewis: Trump Is Not a ‘Legitimate’ President,” CNN.com, January 14, 2017.
Nearly seventy House Democrats: Michelle Goldberg, “Democrats Are Finally Learning How to Fight Like Republicans,” Slate, January 19, 2017.
“take a page”: Faris, “It’s Time for Democrats to Fight Dirty.” Also Graham Vyse, “Democrats Should Stop Talking About Bipartisanship and Start Fighting,” The New Republic, December 15, 2016.
“Everything should be a fight”: Michelle Goldberg, “The End Is Nigh,” Slate, May 16, 2017.
“my greatest desire”: Daniella Diaz, “Rep. Maxine Waters: Trump’s Actions ‘Leading Himself’ to Impeachment,” CNN.com, February 6, 2017.
Impeachment talk picked up: Goldberg, “The End Is Nigh.”
“I don’t see it that way”: Ibid.
when the opposition fights dirty: See Laura Gamboa, “Opposition at the Margins: Strategies Against the Erosion of Democracy in Colombia and Venezuela,” Comparative Politics 49, no. 4 (July 2017), pp. 457–77.
The strike lasted two months: Ibid., p. 466.
All three strategies had backfired: Laura Gamboa, “Opposition at the Margins: The Erosion of Democracy in Latin America,” PhD Dissertation, Department of Political Science, University of Notre Dame (2016), pp. 129–51.
they eroded the opposition’s public support: Ibid., pp. 102–7.
Opposition strategies in Colombia: Ibid.
a power grab not unlike Chávez’s: Gamboa, “Opposition at the Margins: Strategies Against the Erosion of Democracy in Colombia and Venezuela,” pp. 464–68.
This made it more difficult: Ibid., pp. 468–72.
black-led nonviolent protest: Omar Wasow, “Do Protests Matter? Evidence from the 1960s Black Insurgency,” unpublished manuscript, Princeton University, February 2, 2017.
A profound distrust: “Interview with President Ricardo Lagos,” in Democratic Transitions: Conversations with World Leaders, eds. Sergio Bitar and Abraham F. Lowenthal (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2015), p. 85.
Exiled Socialist leader Ricardo Lagos: Ibid., p. 74.
They began to meet regularly: Ibid.
Christian Democratic leader Patricio Aylwin: “Interview with President Patricio Aylwin,” in Bitar and Lowenthal, Democratic Transitions, pp. 61–62.
“Group of 24”: Ibid.
National Accord: Constable and Valenzuela, A Nation of Enemies, pp. 271–72.
The pact formed the basis: “Interview with President Ricardo Lagos,” p. 83.
“consensus politics”: Ibid.
leaders developed a practice: Peter Siavelis, “Accommodating Informal Institutions and Chilean Democracy,” in Informal Institutions and Democracy: Lessons from Latin America, eds. Gretchen Helmke and Steven Levitsky (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006) pp. 40–48.
Pinochet’s 1980 constitution: Ibid., p. 49.
Aylwin also negotiated: Ibid., pp. 48–49.
“helped stave off”: Ibid., p. 50.
political scientists have proposed: See, for example, Nathaniel Persily, ed., Solutions to Political Polarization in America (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015).
The Republican Party: Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson, Off Center: The Republican Revolution and the Erosion of American Democracy (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006); Mann and Ornstein, It’s Even Worse Than It Looks; Grossman and Hopkins, Asymmetric Politics; Michael Barber and Nolan McCarty, “Causes and Consequences of Polarization,” in Persily, Solutions to Political Polarization in America.
This hollowing out: Nathaniel Persily, “Stronger Parties as a Solution to Polarization,” in Persily, Solutions to Political Polarization in America, p. 123.
“sugar high of populism”: Jeff Flake, Conscience of a Conservative: A Rejection of Destructive Politics and a Return to Principle (New York: Random House, 2017), p. 8.
conservative party reform: Daniel Ziblatt, Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017).
Christian Democratic Union: Charles Maier, “The Two Postwar Eras and the Conditions for Stability in Twentieth-Century Western Europe,” American Historical Review 86, no. 2, pp. 327–52.
German conservatism: Ziblatt, Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy, pp. 172–333.
“unassailable” anti-Nazi credentials: Jeffrey Herf, Divided Memory: The Nazi Past in the Two Germanys (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), p. 270. Some figures in the party’s early years had links to the Nazi regime, leaving the party always the subject of criticism on this front.
“An old world has sunk”: Noel Cary, The Path to Christian Democracy: German Catholics and the Party System from Windthorst to Adenauer (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996), p. 147.
The CDU offered a clear vision: Geoffrey Pridham, Christian Democracy in Western Germany (London: Croom Helm, 1977), pp. 21–66.
a “Christian” society: Ibid., p. 32.
“The close collaboration”: Quoted in ibid., pp. 26–28.
Both Bernie Sanders and some moderates: Mark Penn and Andrew Stein, “Back to the Center, Democrats,” New York Times, July 6, 2017; Bernie Sanders, “How Democrats Can Stop Losing Elections,” New York Times, June 13, 2017; also see Mark Lilla, “The End of Identity Liberalism,” New York Times, November 18, 2016.
Mark Penn and Andrew Stein: Penn and Stein, “Back to the Center, Democrats.” Also Mark Lilla, “The End of Identity Liberalism.”
“The simple fact of the matter”: Danielle Allen, “Charlottesville Is Not the Continuation of an Old Fight. It Is Something New,” Washington Post, August 13, 2017.
The intensity of partisan animosities: Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013).
Today’s racially tinged partisan polarization: Robert Gordon, The Rise and Fall of American Growth: The U.S. Standard of Living Since the Civil War (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2016), p. 613.
economic changes of the last few decades: Katherine Kramer, The Politics of Resentment: Rural Consciousness in Wisconsin and the Rise of Scott Walker (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016), p. 3.
“welfare queens”: Ian Haney Lopez, Dog Whistle Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).
a social policy agenda: Gosta Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990).
“family policy”: Paul Krugman, “What’s Next for Progressives?,” New York Times, August 8, 2017.
America’s expenditures on families: Ibid.
Democrats could consider: Harold Wilensky, American Political Economy in Global Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), p. 225.
w
e are under no illusions: For an example of when this has worked, see the revisionist account of the New Deal coalition by Eric Schickler, Racial Realignment.
Surely the Board knows what democracy is: E. B. White, “The Meaning of Democracy,” The New Yorker, July 3, 1943.
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How Democracies Die Page 29