by Bobby Akart
“Stand back,” he instructed the nervous inmates. The deputy stood sideways to the door and kicked it open, knocking loose the latch bolt and strike plate. Then he entered, dropping the large rock by the man’s head. The crime scene would look similar to the one from New Middleton two nights ago. When Watson’s body was found, it would be presumed by all that the murder was part of the same crime spree. The deputy doubted anyone would venture into the orchards to look for the man’s apples.
He thought for a moment and turned to the two inmates. “Listen up. This never happened, got it? You don’t talk to the others about it, and you take this to your grave. Are we clear?”
“Yessir,” they responded in unison.
The deputy pushed up his sleeve and checked the time. It was one a.m. He wanted to reward them for taking care of business, and doing it quietly. “Good. I’m gonna give you guys ten minutes to rummage through the place. Don’t be shy. I want it to look like a herd of buffalo hit the place. Do keep it quiet, though.”
“Yessir!” The men got started, and the deputy added a caveat.
“Keep anything you want unless it’s gold or silver. That goes to me. I’d also suggest you be careful about what you touch. You have gloves. Wear them.”
The ravaging of the Watson home took less than ten minutes. The deputy left empty-handed. The inmates found cigarettes and bags of candy. Nothing of real value.
Clarence Watson had lived a simple life without luxuries or meaningful savings. He died the same way.
Chapter 42
The Oval Office
The White House
Washington, DC
A gathering of President Houston’s legal and national security advisors had assembled in the Oval Office to review the final draft of the martial law declaration before he signed it and his team began its implementation. His attorney general, Adrienne Padilla, was a former congresswoman who had retired to become the attorney general of Arizona. She and the president had become acquainted during a campaign swing through Tucson. When she threw her public support behind his candidacy, he immediately considered her for the nation’s job as its top cop.
“Adrienne, since this is the first time everyone charged with the responsibility of administering this document has been brought together, I thought it would be best for you to lay out the legal authority for my signing it, as well as go over the high points of its impact.”
Padilla stood off to the side and immediately moved next to the president in front of his desk. She was an older woman, who showed age lines from years of doing battle on Capitol Hill and later in Phoenix, Arizona’s capital, which had become ground zero for immigration battles in the last decade.
“Thank you, Mr. President. My aide has provided you the declaration in advance, and although there is a certain amount of legalese required to comply with the Constitution, and stand up to Supreme Court scrutiny, it’s intended to be relatively straightforward. As I’ve advised the president, the declaration needs to be widely disseminated throughout the country. It should be prominently displayed at all federal buildings, ranging from courthouses to post offices to social security administration facilities.”
“Let me add, if I may,” interrupted Chief of Staff O’Donnell, “as the National Guard and military units canvass the nation, they will immediately reach out to state and local government officials to provide a copy of the declaration for posting to state-operated facilities.”
“Yes, thank you, Angela,” said the president. He gestured for the attorney general to continue.
“Let me first address the legal precedent issue. As has been the case for decades, the Constitution tends to be interpreted in a way to bolster a particular political point of view depending on who needs legal cover. To avoid a never-ending struggle in the courts, in 2006 President Bush provided a mechanism for his and future administrations to act swiftly and decisively in their response to a catastrophic event.
“President Bush signed National Security Presidential Directive 51, which was intended to establish a comprehensive national policy to ensure the continuity of government operations while providing the executive branch broad powers to minimize mass casualties, enormous economic loss, or the destruction of the nation’s critical infrastructure, economy or essential government functions.
“President Houston’s prior executive order regarding the power grid fell under this Directive 51. Frankly, we are in a weak position legally because the president did not formally declare there to be a catastrophic emergency as that term is defined in President Bush’s executive directive. Part of what we are doing today is correcting that oversight.”
The president stepped forward. “I take full responsibility for that, and I have since apologized to the attorney general. In my zeal to protect the grid, I managed to shortcut the process.”
Padilla managed a smile for the president. She’d berated him, respectfully, after she learned of his executive order from several days ago. She’d been pushing O’Donnell for this moment in order to correct the mistake.
“By using a sitting president’s exclusive authority to declare martial law, coupled with the powers granted to him via Directive 51, the moment President Houston declares a catastrophic emergency, a decision, mind you, that is wholly within his discretion, he is able to set aside many of the legal limits on his authority.
“Of course, this will enable him to respond to the types of incidents of societal collapse we’ve been witnessing around the country. It also enables him to take more drastic measures, from shutting down the power grid, as he has done, to deploying troops on American soil to subdue domestic unrest.
“To be sure, this is intended to be for a limited time by nature, with Congress being called upon to pass laws enabling the country to function during the time of crisis. That being said, when our nation faces a prolonged power outage, either due to our own actions or because of naturally occurring events, it’s near impossible to convene Congress and undertake the legislative process. Directive 51 and the authority to declare martial law prevents our government from being stymied.”
The president stepped forward again and patted his attorney general on the back. “Thank you, Madam Attorney General. Now, there are several specific provisions I’d like you to summarize, during which I’ll open up the floor for questions. I want all of us to have a clear understanding of what this declaration entails.”
Padilla continued. “Part One, sections one-oh-one through one-eleven all relate to the legal definitions and authorities set forth in Directive 51 and the Constitution. The meat of the declaration is found in Part Two that is titled Specific Provisions.
“Let me say this before I begin. These provisions may seem overly burdensome on their face, as they, quite honestly, obliterate the Bill of Rights. That doesn’t mean that the president will necessarily do so. I have drafted a comprehensive, all-encompassing document intended to give him a broad range of powers and options without having to continuously amend the declaration as circumstances change.”
One by one, the attorney general summarized each of the rights afforded under the first through tenth amendment to the Constitution. Freedom of assembly, free speech, right to bear arms, and right to privacy were all stripped from American citizens. All of the enumerated rights related to due process, habeas corpus, speedy trial and right to bail were suspended.
The executive branch, and by extension, the agencies established under it, could now act unhindered to quell riots, stifle dissent, and use the might of the United States military, including deadly force, to maintain order.
With regard to American citizens, the martial law declaration provided a grace period of seventy hours after its execution to allow distribution and posting of the document. After that period, compliance was expected and would be enforced. Relative to businesses, organizations, and state governments, the martial law declaration was effective immediately upon affixing his signature.
After a lengthy discussion concerning the mec
hanics of the declaration, the conversation turned to the issue of the power grid itself. Many of the attendees had been asked to pressure the president to reconsider. None of them did so, but they did raise the issue of the local governments and utilities that had initiated the black start plan without the president’s authority.
“Here’s the bottom line,” began the president. “Arguably, since I signed the executive order several days ago, I’ve been in charge of the nation’s critical infrastructure. I was pleased to see FERC and the smaller utility cooperatives across the country acting in concert to achieve full cooperation with my order. Since then, it was with great dismay that I learned of many utilities and municipalities defying my executive order. Now, with the execution of this martial law declaration, we have the power of enforcement.”
The chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff addressed the president. “Sir, the rules of engagement concern us all. We’ll be asking our brave men and women of the armed forces to use lethal force on their fellow Americans. I’ll be totally honest, sir. I’m not certain they will.”
The president frowned. “General, I expect our troops to do their duty. Our ability to preserve the future of this country is dependent upon protecting its critical infrastructure from both a devastating geostorm and civil disobedience. The Americans who defy the rule of law and threaten our troops with violence will receive a similar response.”
Chapter 43
The Oval Office
The White House
Washington, DC
The president had put on a good front during the briefing with his top advisors and cabinet officials. It was not how he truly felt about the use of these extraordinary powers. After O’Donnell cleared the room, she made her way to the buffet, which served as a liquor cabinet. She retrieved two balloon wineglasses and filled them with cabernet from a vineyard in California.
“This really sucks,” he complained as he downed half the glass with his first gulp.
She ran her fingers through his hair, which had become mussed from his fidgeting. She took a moment to straighten his tie and fix his shirt collar. She’d become accustomed to doting over him in private, and under these stressful conditions, she’d slipped and done so in the presence of others as well.
“I agree, but it’s absolutely necessary to keep them from killing one another. This is going to sound crude, but right now, many people are acting like frightened animals. They’re desperate because of their impatience with the situation. I believe the only thing they’ll respect is restraint.”
“Put a leash on ’em, in other words.”
“Yes, something like that,” O’Donnell said dryly. “Before we talk about the grid, let me mention that other matter.”
“The insider trading?” asked the president, who was still salty about his mistress’s actions despite profiting greatly from it.
“It wasn’t insider trading per se, Grant. Please don’t mischaracterize it. Trading stocks and commodities is like legalized gambling. Sometimes the house wins, and sometimes it loses. We happen to be winners this go-around.”
President Houston sighed. He finished off his first glass of wine with sip number two and immediately refilled it. “I’m sorry, honey. Please, it’s been very stressful.”
“No, I get it. Just trust me on this. I’ve got everything in place to cover our tracks.”
The president bristled at her use of the word our. Yet he knew he’d be implicated regardless of the fact it was Angela’s doing. He wanted to change the subject. “Angela, it’s been five days since we decided to unplug the power. Nothing has happened. The sunspots, or active regions, whatever, haven’t materialized. There haven’t been any geomagnetic storms affecting any part of the world. Hell, the French are even bragging about the transformers they’ve already replaced courtesy of our friends in Tokyo.”
O’Donnell frowned. “Grant, I know where you’re headed with this. You have to stay the course. I know you’ve worn out the carpet heading down to the Press Room and back to talk to the NASA people, but honestly, you’re going down there hoping for bad news to make yourself feel better. I’ve had extensive conversations with Taylor and the representatives from Boulder at the Space Weather Prediction Center. I hate to repeat an oft-used cliché, but it’s not a matter of if, but when. The science is real and so is the threat.”
The president carried his glass to the windows overlooking the South Lawn. The draperies had been pulled closed at the direction of the Secret Service, who were concerned protestors were monitoring the president’s movements. He pulled them open slightly to look outside. The vast open space was bustling with activity as several military transport trucks were being unloaded. The president squinted his eyes to make out what the boxes contained, but he was too far away.
“I understand and I don’t disagree. It’s frustrating and confounding. Why don’t people just do as we ask? If they did, there wouldn’t be a need for unleashing the military on them.”
O’Donnell refilled her glass. “Let’s talk about these rogue utilities for a moment. It took almost eighteen hours for the grid to be fully powered down. A few were caught unprepared, but overall, I think America accepted the purpose thanks to your national address.”
“Well, they have short memories,” the president added.
“Yes, and that’s what we need to talk about. I realize politics is the least of our concerns right now. For one thing, we’re early in your administration, and frankly, your reelection will hinge upon how many lives you save, not how many people have been inconvenienced.”
The president shrugged. His political standing was always on his mind, except as it related to his intimate relationship with his chief of staff. If he planned to run again, which despite the present circumstances, he intended to do, then he’d divorce his wife and go public about his relationship with O’Donnell. Until then, he had to consider the political ramifications of his decisions.
“I agree. Where are you headed with this?” he asked.
“Many of the local governments who have defied your executive order are political allies. We’ve reached out to them, and they’ve refused to comply.”
“Do you want me to call the general back in here and tell him to blast them?” he asked half-jokingly.
O’Donnell laughed. “No. Nobody is gonna get blasted, except us if we pop open another bottle of cab.”
The president grinned and took a big gulp of his wine. “I’m in. I’d love to unplug from all of this, pardon the pun.” He waved his glass around the Oval Office.
“I have a proposal that kills two birds with one stone.”
“I’m listening.”
“We don’t want to take on any of our big-city mayors. They’ll be too important down the road, especially in a rebuilding effort. Instead, I suggest we find another municipality to make an example of. You know, forcibly take over their infrastructure operations and shut down their power.”
The president furrowed his brow. “The idea is to send a message and hope the others will comply with my executive order.”
“Yes.”
“Which city do you have in mind?” he asked.
O’Donnell smiled and sipped her wine. “Well,” she began, teasingly stretching out the word, “there’s been a thorn in your side for the last two years who is only marginally popular in his own state. Yet he’s nationally recognized, so the news of his forced compliance, for lack of a better term, will spread to others.”
An evil smile came across the president’s face. He raised his glass to O’Donnell, and she quickly clinked hers together with his in a celebratory toast.
“South Bend it is!”
Chapter 44
South Bend, Indiana
South Bend, Indiana, was a small college town in northeastern Indiana best known for being the location of the University of Notre Dame. It was the penultimate U.S. Midwestern city, having received the All-America City Award multiple times for its community-centric living.
Loca
ted on the St. Joseph River near the Michigan state line, its metropolitan area included three counties and roughly three hundred thousand people. Led by a mayor who’d been a former presidential candidate, the city prided itself on its close-knit, diverse communities.
The mayor had been deeply disturbed by President Houston’s attempts to protect the nation’s power supply by intentionally shutting down electric utilities. As soon as the announcement was made, he immediately called a meeting with the management team of Indiana Michigan Power, which was headquartered in nearby Fort Wayne. Indiana Power encompassed the American Electric Power service territories in Indiana, which included Fort Wayne, Muncie, and South Bend.
More than a million residents and businesses were caught off guard when I&M pulled the plug on its transformers. The power company’s management team was very convincing when dealing with South Bend’s mayor, who was widely known as Mayor Pete. He voiced his concerns about the impact this would have on the elderly and infirm, and especially the hindrance imposed upon first responders. However, at the time, he felt like he had no choice but to comply with his former political rival’s executive order.
Just a couple of days later, when the geostorm that had been used as the crisis for taking these extraordinary measures never materialized, Mayor Pete grew angry. He summoned the sheriffs and county executives from I&M’s service area to meet in Fort Wayne to hear their stories. Across the state, mayors and law enforcement complained about the way their citizens were handling the power outage.
At first, other than parts of Indianapolis, most Indianans took it in stride. Communities organized block parties, where they cooked hamburgers and steaks. Anything that was refrigerated, from burgers to beer, was contributed as the citizenry came together.