Hindenburg said, "Well! And I would have given it all to you! We would not be having this trouble now! What a fine mess your friends have put us into!"
For a moment they were all quiet, trying to determine who he meant, then Noske replied, "At your orders, Herr Reichspräsident. My party is behind you now, as much as we were in last year's Presidential election. Today, it is all or nothing."
The old gentleman softened at that, though the meaning was not exactly as encouraging as it seemed to be on the face of it. "My apologies for the outburst. As I said, Herr Oberpräsident, had you listened to me back then, we would not be in this situation now. As for you, Herr Reichskanzler, I presume you are going to stand up to the Bohemian," he said, now talking to Manfred.
"Have I ever failed you before?"
"They're in here," he heard Meissner say. "Herr Reichspräsident, Herr Reichskanzler, the Commander-in-Chief of the Reichswehr, General von Hammerstein-Equord."
They all turned to look at him as he entered. (They hadn't even sat down.) The general was clearly agitated, which showed how well he understood the situation. He said abruptly, "So he is your chancellor again. Herr Reichspräsident, I should be grateful that you have avoided choosing Hitler, but as Commander-in-Chief I honestly expect civil war now with the SA. Better that, though, than the Bohemian Corporal in power."
"Thank you for your concern, Herr General," Manfred said.
"Herr von Papen, with such a tiny base of support, you will need to -- why is Noske here?"
"I'm your new boss, and before you get too far out of line, hadn't you better ask the Herr Reichskanzler?" Noske said, pointing to Manfred.
But Hammerstein looked to Papen. "So you got some of the less red Socialists. Wonderful. There is still going to be blood in the streets when this gets out."
"That's his problem," Papen replied, also pointing.
Finally it became clear. "YOU!? Herr von Richthofen! My deepest apologies!" the general said, becoming apologetic in a moment.
Manfred smiled and said. "Herr General, I hope our Reichswehr will support the government and not let, shall we say, armed mobs march into the capital to obtain a change of government. I thank you for your support.
"If you will be so kind as to witness our swearing-in; myself, the Herr Reichswehr Minister, and the Herr Minister without Portfolio, my political advisor. Then, if you would, take the Herr Minister back to the Bendlerstrasse and discuss whatever plans you have made."
"Very well," Hammerstein said.
"Yes indeed." Hindenburg said, and then shuffled among some papers. "Here it is. You are permitted to use a religious formula at the end of the oath. Raise your right hand and repeat after me: 'I, Manfred, Freiherr von Richthofen, Chancellor of the German Reich . . .'"
"I, Manfred Freiherr von Richthofen, Chancellor of the German Reich . . ."
"'swear to devote my energy to the welfare of the German people. . . '"
"swear to devote my energy to the welfare of the German people. . . "
"'to increase its prosperity. . .'"
"to increase its prosperity. . ."
"'to prevent harm. . .'"
"to prevent harm. . ."
"'to support the Reich constitution and its laws. . .'"
"to support the Reich constitution and its laws. . ."
"'to consciously honor my duties . . .'"
"to consciously honor my duties . . ."
"'and to exercise justice to every individual.'"
"and to exercise justice to every individual. So help me God."
The Reichspräsident sighed. "So much for that. Now raise your right hand and repeat after me, 'I, Gustav Noske, Reichswehr Minister of the German Reich . . .'"
Noske got back an hour or so before the meeting. He found Manfred in a little office near the President's, reading a memorandum and eating. "Is there enough for two?" he said, taking a seat. "Good. Once I waved Brüning's plan under his nose he became a lot more cheerful. 'Expansion! A short-service army! And reserves! Heavy weapons! Gott in Himmel, Herr Minister, if Herr Brüning had only told us what he was doing every decent German would have worshiped him! What are your orders, Herr Minister?'"
Manfred sighed. "Secrecy seems to be the besetting plague of our governments. Schleicher, I understand, is unable to talk straight any longer. He worked up this jobs program, try to put some of these unemployed men back to work. It would have made Franzchen look red-faced. But he sat on it until he was sure the reparations matter looked cleared up.
"What was -- is General Hammerstein planning?"
"Not much. He was going to 'protect the Old Gentleman from himself', move the Army in and 'help' him get home to Neudeck. We went with a version of that, he's still going to bring troops in but post them around the government block. Perhaps we'll have luck. He was a sound man in '19, stuck to us the next year, even went against his father-in-law. I don't think he's changed any since then, either.
"He was right, there would be blood in the streets. There may still be. The SA outnumbers the Army by, what? Four to one? We've snatched the prize from Herr Hitler's mouth, and he's not going to be happy about it. Never mind what the Communists are going to do. Don't you remember that shootout in Hamburg last year? Bolshevik snipers, Nazi gunmen, and seventeen dead."
"Ach, Communists! Do you know why Herr Thälmann is the longest man in Germany? His mouth is here in Berlin but his brain is in Moscow."
Noske laughed at this cruel description of the German Communist leader.
Manfred went on, "I think if I say the Herr Generalfeldmarschall is for it -- which is how Oberst Duesterberg thinks of our Reichspräsident -- we can sign up the Stahlhelm as auxiliary police. I'm counting on you to talk Braun and the rest of them round, have them sign up your party militia, the Reichsbanner. If they are going to say they are defending the constitution, then they should do something about it. And it will balance off the Stahlhelm.
"I'm glad you get along with Hammerstein so well. Talk about good luck! You say he stuck with you in '19?"
"Like a rock -- a rock of bronze, to quote from history. And against Kapp, too, and like I said, even von Luttwitz, his own father-in-law. A sound man, a very sound man indeed. It didn't take ten minutes for us to start getting along. I think this will work fine. And being the bearer of good news certainly didn't do any harm!
"Are you going to ask for a dissolution order? Göring can't ignore you the way he did Papen. Like the man said, the Nazis are about broke, another election would ruin them."
Manfred stopped and thought for a moment. He took a bite of sausage, chewed it carefully, swallowed -- all to give him time -- then said, "That would be nice. Perhaps we could even dispense with Hugenberg, or at least get him to not ask for too much. But the Reichspräsident wouldn't give Schleicher a dissolution order and I don't want to trust my standing with him that far just yet."
Noske shrugged. "I still think you should try."
"Let's see what the party leaders have to say first."
The meeting room was in the basement of the Reichpräsidentenpalais. Manfred had understood that the leaders had been brought in from the Hotel Adlon, hidden among the crowds entering the hotel, and going down behind the government buildings. He thought that matters had come to a pretty pass when the opposition could plot against the government in the public streets, while a lawful government had to be formed by conspirators meeting in dank basements.
As it happened, he heard the voice first. ". . . before you ask, the answer is NO! Let me repeat what I said the last time you tried this knavish trick: a union of political forces to work for the common good is completely possible from a technical point of view, but under such political leadership as you suggest, with the composition of the cabinet, such an idea is totally out of the question!" Monsignor Kaas of the Center Party needed only a bell, book, and candle to complete his actions regarding Papen.
Manfred raised his hand and whispered, "Wait a minute." Noske stopped and they both listened.
An ecclesiastical snort punctuated the reply. "You and your tired band of barons and bankers. Who else is there to lead?"
A weak voice interjected, "I understand Herr von Richthofen was proposed . . ." Dr. Dingledey had given him his cue. "Come on, Noske," Manfred said, and strode into the room.
They were sitting round the table in the small and dark room, which was lit by a single bulb on a chain. The place seemed more suited for a plot of desperate, uncouth revolutionaries, instead of the democratic leaders of a great country. Papen was sitting back, looking uneasy, no doubt at having to defend his bad policies. Monsignor Kaas was leaning across the table, hectoring his former party colleague. The great mass of Hugenberg had his back to the door, and Oberst Duesterberg sat between him and Papen. Dietrich of the almost-vanished State Party and Schäffer of the Bavarians were on the other side of Hugenberg, while Braun had brought his fellow Social Democrats Breistcheid and Wels.
"Thank you, Dr. Dingledey, your vote of confidence is most heartening," Manfred said. "I see that the rest of you are here, thank you." He strode past Papen and took the empty seat beside his defender. "Herren, I am most grateful to you for coming. You are aware of the situation, and a speedy replacement for Herr von Schleicher is necessary." He took out the paper Hindenburg had signed yesterday and waved it before them. "Here I am. The Reichspräsident has asked me to form a government of national unity, or as Herr Monsignor Kaas has so eloquently put it, a union of political forces to work for the common good."
A dead silence filled the air. No one there had known it save Papen, who had presumably been keeping his mouth shut, enjoying the prospect of being considered to be the Chancellor-designate, even though no one would follow him. Some might have guessed, though.
Manfred took a breath, looked at the stunned party leaders, and went on, "I believe that such a national concentration can still prevail against our enemies brown and red, if only we take the good Father's point that we are facing enemies of the common good. We are facing a revolution far more dire than the one we faced in '18.
"I myself have been told by many that I could have done something about that revolution. We all remember what actually did happen, the horrors of the Bolshevik and Bolshevik-imitators, followed by the atrocities of the proto-Nazis. Could this have been halted? Perhaps. If all those who valued decency and good will were to have joined together, perhaps.
"I'm not so sure that this is the case, here, now. The good Father here, Monsignor Kaas, has a point about the actions of the Herr Minister here. He, however, tried to do something, instead of sitting around saying 'We must trade more cattle.' Meanwhile, the cattle-thieves in brown and red walked off with all the stock.
"As for the Herren opposite -- " He indicated the three Social Democratic leaders sitting next to Noske, "my sources inform me that the Bolsheviks are quite assured that they are Fascists of the deepest dye, devoted followers of Herr Hitler. I believe, Herren, that we can rule out the prospect of a coalition between the Social Democrats and the Bolsheviks.
"Which leaves us with little choice. The leaders here can join in a government of national unity, a national concentration of political forces to work for the common good, or we can sit back and watch the Nazis tromp into power. With all your parliamentary games, your malicious cattle-trading, you have left Germany no other choice. Which shall it be?"
He looked around the table. Suddenly Hugenberg got to his feet and bellowed, "The man who won't follow our Red Battle-Flier to the death is a scoundrel! To the death! He will save our Prussia! We are his men!" Perhaps he too had learned that Herr Hitler wasn't to be worked with, after the disaster of the Harzburg Front.
"Oh that reminds me, Papen, isn't there a little announcement you have to make?" Manfred said. He was concerned about Papen's loyalty after such a step-down, but the principle, "who wounded thee shall make thee whole" applied here.
Papen did indeed squirm, then he said, slowly, "The Herr Reichskanzler has, er, concluded that the state of emergency in Prussia is, ah, no longer needed, and, well, the elected government can, that is, resume its normal functions."
Papen had suspended Braun's Social Democratic government in Prussia last year, now he had to back down. That announcement would have more credibility coming from him.
Noske roared, with all the wrath of an adult watching foolish children, "There's your cue! This is all or nothing, comrades! The Nazi beast stands on the threshold of power and your last objection to opposing it has gone away!"
His party comrades seemed unwilling. Wels began to say, "Comrade Noske, you must understand there are certain principles that can't be compromised --"
Noske sneered. "Some people think they are leaders! Last month you rejected what had looked like the last opportunity to save yourselves and all our gains from a disaster! Now, when we stand on the brink you have driven us to, at the last moment a completely undeserved opportunity presents itself, and you natter about 'principles'! As if all our principles will not go in the trash under Hitler!"
"And about time, too," Hugenberg said.
Noske glared at him, "I see enough trouble working with you, Herr Hugenberg," he said. "Try not to make it worse."
Monsignor Kaas had been struggling with his conscience -- and his own words, thrown in his face -- while Noske and Hugenberg had been speaking. He said. "Herr Noske. Herr Hugenberg. Herr Reichskanzler von Richthofen. You . . . have all spoken well, and truly. I believe I can persuade my party to support the government, now that it has a leader worthy of trust." He paused to glare at Papen before continuing. "Herr von Richthofen, will you work for a settlement with the Church?"
It was plain to see that that was his condition for joining the coalition. Manfred said, "I cannot govern the conscience of any man, but I will work for a deal with the Vatican."
Schäffer of the Bavarian People's Party said abruptly, "I think we can live with that. Herr Reichskanzler, there are some matters regarding Bavaria that need to be addressed, but at our leisure, when all is well." Dietrich and Dr. Dingledey were nodding as he spoke -- he had the center now as well as the Center Party.
The Social Democrat leaders were looking increasingly isolated, as they realized everyone else was signing on to defend the government they had initiated. Braun had been thinking while his comrades were shouting. He said, "This matter of the Prussian government is a substantial concession. Comrades, let us discuss it in private. Is there a room nearby where we may do so?"
The four Social Democrats got up and trooped out of the room. Manfred said, "Herr Oberst, as long as they are talking may I have a word in private with you? Herren, Herr Monsignor, if you will excuse us, we will be back shortly."
Duesterberg got up and they walked off, down the hall, past a room where Socialists shouted as if it were some café in Berlin at the turn of the century, when power was unthinkable and correct doctrine everything. "You are expecting us veterans to support the government," Duesterberg said, flatly.
"I am expecting you to act in support of the desire and will of the Reichspräsident, who promised that he would not appoint Herr Hitler Reichskanzler."
"Just wanted to get that clear."
"This may require some bloodshed," Manfred quickly added.
"Do you want to have that nest of snakes cleared out!? About time!"
How long would he have to put up with this. "No, Herr Oberst. You will be needed to defend the Reich against the foreign enemy, the Bohemian with an American uniform who has Soviet ideas and salutes like the Italian fascists. Oh, and the real Bolsheviks, too, Stalin's men here in Germany." Not the Reichstag, that was to say.
Duesterberg seemed reluctant, but he drew himself up, crashed his heels together, and said, "Zu Befehl, Herr Reichskanzler!"
"Also, as auxiliary police you will be u
nder strict legal controls . .. "
Duesterberg's face lit up. His men would be getting status, uniforms, even. And they would be getting pay!
As they passed the Socialists' caucus Braun stepped out of the room. Ignoring the veteran leader, he said, "Herr von Richthofen, given that you have already made a serious concession, I believe Comrade Noske and I have been able to get some sense into the others. Now all we have to do is win the party over."
"Come along," Manfred said.
Papen was talking to Dingledey and Dietrich, no doubt working for his eventual promotion again. That wouldn't happen, not for a while anyhow. Manfred said, "Herren, if you will take your seats . . . I regret we are all going to have to stay here until Monday -- which, if you will look at the clock, is not that far off. We will dine with the Herr Reichspräsident and the staff will look after your needs. My brother, the Herr Staatssekretär von Richthofen, will see about passing any messages you may need to send. Thank you."
His room looked out over the Wilhelmstrasse, and he could see more and more brownshirts prowling there, hovering like vultures now, not pheasants. For the second straight night his sleep was troubled.
Sunday morning was a nightmare, every moment trembling with disaster.
There was little enough reassurance in the world. He had spoken to Mother on the telephone before she went to church with the children. "I will ask everyone to pray for you," she said, "and for good fortune in whatever you are doing." Which, thank God, she still did not know. He hoped this state of knowledge (or the lack thereof) of his current situation was general.
The party leaders were contentious, and not exactly completely voluntary, guests of the Reichspräsident. Here was a case where one person could decide to sell them all out for personal gain. Once the government was actually formed, it would be too late. Or so he hoped. So they all stayed in seclusion.
He had had to make two exceptions to his rule. One he could trust; Noske went to the Bendlerstrasse to make plans with his old and new friend General von Hammerstein. One he was less sure about; Papen had to go meet with the Nazis and continue to lull them.
A Man and a Plane: An Alternate Germany Page 12