A Man and a Plane: An Alternate Germany

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A Man and a Plane: An Alternate Germany Page 23

by Joseph T Major


  But that was only a petty thing. More seriously, the Reichstag was somewhat ambitiously cast, and needed recasting. When they were forming the cabinet, Papen had sighed at the list of petty parties that needed to be mollified. "We could have a cabinet thrice the size, and still leave somebody out." Splinters occupied interstate-relations offices, state-secretaryships, and the like.

  Everyone who quarrled with his party leader ran off and set up his own party. With Herren Hitler, Röhm, Strasser, and the like that was not so bad, but Manfred wished that Treviranus was head of the Nationalist Party, not this German Conservative Party he had set up after quarreling with Hugenberg. Splinter Social Democrats, purer than pure Catholics leaving the Center . . ..

  But there it was: "The deputies are, each of them, representative of the whole people. They are subject to their conscience alone and are not bound by instructions. The representatives are elected by the universal, equal, direct, and secret suffrage of all men and women over twenty years of age in accordance with the principle of proportional representation." Articles 21 and 22. Very idealistic. And look what it had got them.

  There ought to be a cutoff. A party with just enough votes for one seat shouldn't be given the chance to jam up the entire session. What were they, Poles!? If every little quarrel did not turn into a new party, then perhaps there would be fewer quarrels. They would have to be responsible.

  Churchill the elder had followed his son on a visit, that winter, and had filled Manfred's ears with rumbling discussion of the British parliament. "Your Chancellor is still not responsible, and your Reichstag is irresponsible," he had said, and had described votes of confidence and dissolutions. When Müller had gone down, had it been here as it was in England, there would have been an election. Well, Papen had tried to get a Reichstag that would govern according to his ideas, and got one that could govern according to no one's. If they were responsible beforehand, though . . .

  He scribbled and scrawled, asked questions of Bolko's professor friends (as opposed to his gambling ones), and took note of some of the politicians' observations. Hindenburg would not live forever and change was inevitable.

  In the here and now, while he was still alive, or some semblance of that, Hindenburg would have to be brought up to date. The prospect of being questioned about how poor old Franz-Josef was doing bothered Manfred, though, as he flew northeast, to the East Prussian estate where the Reichspräsident was established.

  CHAPTER 14

  Neudeck, East Prussia, Germany, Wednesday, August 1, 1934

  There were four of them conducting the deathwatch. The State Secretaries, Bolko and Meissner, sat at the foot of the Reichspräsident's bed. On one side, his beloved Franzchen watched; on the other, his subordinate in war and peace, the Reichskanzler, sat and worried.

  The room was dark, musty, full of the smell of sickness and age. Curtains were drawn against the light. Low sounds came from outside, medicine had given up its struggle against age and decrepitude. All they could do was wait, all they could do was to prepare for the struggle to come.

  Yesterday had been bad. "Herr von Richthofen," he had said in a weak old voice. "Herr von Richthofen. Why are you not flying? Why are you not at the front?"

  They had looked at one another, terrified, startled. Then Manfred had said, "Herr von Hindenburg, as a good soldier, I have taken my post at the place where I am most needed."

  But that day, he had also said, "You must fulfill the promise I made." Manfred knew what a cost that promise would exact. How could he deny the dying man anything? He assented, "when it is for the good of the Reich."

  The Old Gentleman's breathing changed. "Call the doctor," Papen said.

  Meissner got up and went to the door.

  "Put a hold on all communications until we are back in Berlin," Manfred said, decisively. "Herr Meissner, you stay here and help close out affairs. Bolko, go with Herr von Papen to the airport, take the plane to Berlin, I'll fly direct from here. You know what to do, Papen. I may have to go out over the Baltic if the Poles get picky."

  This room was lighter -- or darker. The sun streamed in but the house was now laden with the miasma of death. An age was at an end; the Herr Reichspräsident was dead. All Germany would soon be at war again.

  Manfred dismissed those thoughts for the moment. Well, for the duration of the flight back to Berlin. He had to; any distraction, and the country might lose its chancellor as well as its president, and that would be more than just his loss. He shrugged on his old leather flight jacket as the other politicians left, leaving Oskar von Hindenburg to oversee the preparations for his father's burial -- though that would be a State affair, and Manfred would have to preside as Reichskanzler. In a few days.

  Now he had to fly. There could be nothing else on his mind.

  The Arado parked on the field brought back old days, at least to look at it. He was getting old, liked enclosed cockpits now. But for here he needed a plane that could take off under rough conditions. The ground crew helped him get into the plane, took his seat in the open cockpit like in the old days. "Going to knock some sense into their heads?" one of them said.

  "Again!" he cried in some sort of agreement, and then signaled to the other man to turn the prop. The engine started with a roar, and he let it build before he began taxing to the flatter part of the field that would have to serve as an airstrip.

  It was clear enough. Said so right there in the Constitution. "In the case that the Reichpräsident is temporarily unable to perform his duties, the Reichskanzler will substitute. If the disability is longer, the substitution must be regularized by a Reich law. The same applies in the case that a presidency ends prematurely, to last until the next election is held." Article 51.

  And that was Braun's solution. "Reichspräsident Richthofen! Perfect! The chosen heir of Hindenburg, the man who saved the Reich from its foes, the choice to lead the Reich. Who better!?"

  The cabinet room was packed; not only the Cabinet, but the State Secretaries, the military commanders von Hammerstein and Raeder, and even the high Beamter. The last time, when Ebert had died, there had been an orderly order, a methodical method for the transfer of power, and the Chief Justice Herr Luther had been assigned the task. That had been in a different era, when an orderly Reichstag could deal with such matters of power and authority without having a fight or two. For now, they had a similar law -- thanks to the Nazis' not wanting Schleicher in power. But the Chief Justice could not hold down both tasks forever, and perforce, an election was in the offing.

  There was a groundswell of enthusiasm for the idea. Meissner, for example, seemed particularly pleased with the idea, and so did Papen's old colleagues. Yes, it would solve problems. Also make them.

  "Much as I hate to damp the fires of your zeal," Manfred said, "but the Constitution also forbids the Reichspräsident being his own Reichskanzler. Who among you will fill this chair?"

  Papen nodded -- was he agreeing that no one else could do the task of keeping the government of national concentration concentrated, or agreeing that he could fill that post? It had looked like the former back in Neudeck, but now . . ."The leadership skills of Herr von Richthofen have proven not only equal to but indeed superior to the task," Papen said. "I doubt a change would be in the best interests of the Reich at this time."

  And so they could look forward to yet another round of cartoons from Der Stürmer showing Manfred with Papen's hand shoved up his backside. Papen had decided, evidently, that being the Key Advisor had all the benefits of running the country and none of the problems of being the target of criticism.

  "Very well, then, who?" Manfred said. "Who shall we support? For we must agree on the chief magistracy of the Reich. Does anyone have a suggestion?"

  Hugenberg got to his feet, cleared his throat dramatically, and began to speak in a magisterial tone. "My colleague has made the point well that a hero of the late War will be the only person suited to hold the Reich on its current course towards increased prosperity and order. Sinc
e our distinguished Reichskanzler is required in his current post, performing the vital task of leadership and national concentration that no other man can do as well, so well, we must look to other fields, search for other great men to be our focus of authority.

  "When the news of our beloved Reichspräsident's final decline was revealed, I took counsel and began such an investigation. Herr Reichskanzler, Herren Ministers, commanders, and Beamter, I propose that the Government of National Concentration throw its support behind a true leader. A general whose conduct during the late War was praised even by his foes. A general who was undefeated during that titanic struggle, and who after its tragic end returned to the Reich to the well-deserved accolades of our people. Herren, in the interests of the Reich, and for its well-being, I propose that we the Government put forth, and in unity put our full and unqualified support behind, the Herr General Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck."

  There was a loud harrumph from down the table. Noske turned to look at Hugenberg and glared at him. He said, coldly, "Herr Lettow-Vorbeck is not qualified to hold such a position of public trust. He has disqualified himself, he has failed the test of good judgment and of reliability. When the crisis came, he showed himself unwilling to defend the legitimate government of the Reich against rebellion."

  No, Noske held a deep and abiding grudge against anyone who had supported Kapp, that dire attempt where the generals had refused to support the government against a coup, and its Reichswehr Minister Noske. Not long after the formation of the government, when he was back in that post, Noske had shown Manfred his little black book, which contained nothing so cheery and innocent as the names of romantic partners. "This is my list of all those who supported Kapp and Luttwitz. They can go to the Devil for all of me. None will ever receive favor in the Reichswehr as long as I am its Minister," he had said.

  And General Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck had led troops in support of Kapp. He had retired shortly thereafter, so was not directly in the line of Noske's vengeance. Until now. A few years ago, too, Lettow-Vorbeck had been a Nationalist member of the Reichstag, which certainly didn't harm him in Hugenberg's esteem, or help him in Noske's.

  Thus the Nationalists and the Social Democrats were divided on the issue, and Hugenberg sat down, defeated. For a moment there was silence around the table. Then Wissell, the Labor Minister, got up and began to speak (on behalf of the Social Democrats, evidently).

  "Herren Ministers," he said. "We are faced with a difficult task, and therefore I propose that we, the Grand Coalition Government, try for a different approach altogether. The aims and efforts of partisan politics have divided the Reich, a division which will take much effort to heal.

  "Let us spare our people, our Government, the divisive struggle of seating a politician. Rather, let us put forward for the presidency of our country the name of a man who is outside politics, a man independent of politics, a man above petty politics.

  "For this post, we should have a man who is world-renowned. Someone who has contributed to the greatness and fame of our country. Someone who is devoted to the continued peace of the Reich and peace between nations. Someone whose fame lies in a field outside politics, a field where his efforts have been for the good of the people of the Reich, and indeed all of humanity. Such a choice will make it clear that the Reich is taking the course of peace and justice.

  "Herren, I propose that we the government take the radical, unexpected, positive, forward-thinking step of naming none other than the distinguished scientist Herr Doktor Albert Einstein, the scientist so brilliant that not twelve men in the world can comprehend his thought, to the simple post, by comparison, of Reichspräsident!"

  Manfred had not expected this, and he had happened to glance at Papen, who seemed even more stunned. But before either of them could speak Schacht forestalled them. "My American friends," he said, "have observed that Herr Einstein is rather cool on the topic of nationalism. He is seen as an abstract, unworldly figure -- not a man for the hard task of government office."

  "And just imagine the fun Hitler will have running against a Jew," Papen said.

  That had torn it. Whether Jew or Gentile as their candidate, that was the dirty secret no one wanted to consider. Any candidate they ran would have to run against Herr Hitler.

  Röhm would likely forget his quarrel with "Adolphe Legalite". Strasser, probably not, but Röhm might see it worthwhile burying the hatchet with Hitler to get his People's Army. Herr Hitler would be on the front pages of all the papers -- they would have to cover him. He would be on the radio round the clock, in the newsreels every night. Wars would flare in Berlin, in other cities, where the Nazis would as was their wont hold election rallies in the very strongholds of the Bolsheviks, all the better to provoke a fight. Broken heads, blood in the gutters, and bodies on the streets would bring the Nazis to the headlines. For Herr Hitler en campagne there was no such thing as bad news.

  After Papen dropped the stink bomb the discussion slowly sputtered out. Some names were put forward, but unenthusiastically. Strasser, of all people. Brüning. Thomas Mann the writer. Parson Bonhoeffer. The pacifist von Ossietsky. No one was acceptable to everyone -- and any split- in the coalition would rebound to Herr Hitler's advantage.

  Indeed, the past year and a half had graven a dreadful realization into the minds of all of them in that room; the day that Herr Hitler came to power would be the last day of their lives. He could not afford to let them live. Even Hugenberg, his former partner in the Harzburg coalition against the government. Even his former promoter, Papen. They had betrayed him, all betrayed him, and his wrath would be without limit. His rhetoric regarding that Jew-sow pig-dog traitor Strasser, for example. Strasser had been shot at a time or two, and everyone knew who was behind the sniping.

  And Manfred, worst of all, had snatched the victory prize from his fingers, had taken the seat he had already reserved for himself. No, they could not let Herr Hitler have a chance at power; they had to stay together, or they would be torn apart by the Nazis.

  Manfred wanted them to realize this. Sometimes the odd solution works; like in the case of Major Coppens the Belgian balloon buster who had once landed on one of their balloons, safe from its protective flak. He had one in mind . . .

  The preparations for what was in a sense a coup took the entire weekend. Julius and his friends might have done it as another Entesuppe; it sounded like the sort of thing Herr Firefly would do, staging a coup against his government with the cooperation of the entire government.

  Yet there were some people who had to be kept in the dark, so there was perhaps some good reason for the secrecy . . .

  Göring was still Reichstagspräsident, he still lived in the house across the road from the Reichstag building. Forcing the issue of replacing him might be a Pyrrhic victory for the Government. But normally, like the bulk of his fellow Nazi deputies, he boycotted the meetings, sulking in the official residence like Achilles in his tent, or after an ostentatious departure, luxuriating on his new estate, the one named after his late wife, where "friends" helped him build a fitting memorial for his beloved Karin, who had nursed him back to health at the cost of her own.

  Today, Wednesday the sixth, almost a week after Hindenburg's death, for a change he did show up for the session of the Reichstag. The special memorial session of the Reichstag. Doktor Goebbels did so too, in his Nazi uniform, surrounded by a covey of aides. The bulk of the Nazi seats were empty. Strasser and his followers sat in the back of their section. A vast array of empty chairs separated the combatants. (Röhm and his few supporters were noisly meeting in Munich, declaring their contempt for elected legislatures. They had better show some respect for the courts, since the long-delayed trials of the February Rioters would begin soon.)

  On the other hand, the bulk of the Bolsheviks were there. The Nopos had mainly been about their regular jobs recently (many had joined the Labor Service, or were engaged in preparing for the forthcoming expansion of the army), but Manfred had asked for a few to be on hand. From a post
in the spectators' gallery, Duesterberg himself surveyed the red horde, a grim look in his eye.

  And below, above the cabinet he despised, Göring gaveled the assembly to order. Speaking as if he were being broken on the rack, he read the announcement the clerk placed before him. "The house welcomes the Herr Reichskanzler to deliver the eulogy for his Excellency, the late Reichspräsident, Herr Generalfeldmarschall Paul von Beneckendorff und von Hindenburg." Then, with a sneer across his broad face, he waddled down, getting away from the podium before he might have to confront Manfred.

  The Bolsheviks and the corporal's guard of Nazis did not rise, but neither did they begin throwing desks. Manfred came to the podium, arranged his speech, and began, "As with all of us here today," he began, "I remember the late Reichspräsident as our tower of iron strength in the turmoil of war and the confusion of peace . . ."

  He went on for a while describing the many contributions of Hindenburg, some of which he even believed himself. Then he launched into his conclusion. "I had the sad duty of attending on his deathbed. In his last moments he thought only of the Reich, and he begged me to undertake the task, which I take on with you, of ensuring the continuity and stability of the Executive and of the nation in these troubled times. Herren und Damen, in accordance with the dying request of our honored Reichspräsident, I propose . . ."

 

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