"Dreyfus wasn't our man after all," Papen had said. "Not that all the argumentation involved didn't help our cause."
The Czechs were therefore left with exactly one choice. And so this morning, Prime Minister Hodža of Czechoslovakia would sign the Treaty of Mutual Defense and Assistance with Chancellor von Richthofen of the German Reich.
"We have so much in common," Papen had said. Then he explained about how the Czech governments had been "grand coalition" governments. "They have a 'National Socialist' party but it's not quite like ours. But of course for every opinion there are three parties, a German, a Czech, and a Slovak. All their governments have to be governments of national concentration. Herr Reichskanzler, you will find their politics very familiar."
"That's what I'm afraid of."
The Chancellor's party was a substantial one. Besides Neurath and Papen, it included Noske. "I want to see this army of Good Soldier Schweiks," he had commented. "I understand they did some good work fighting the Bolsheviks." And indeed the dreaded Butcher of Berlin would be addressing some veterans of the Czech Legion.
Some of Noske's subordinates would be along for the ride. General Guderian had heard good things about this Czech tank they made at Skoda and wanted to see it with his own eyes, perhaps even give it a test drive.
Manfred had watched with a critical eye the handover at the border, when the Luftstreitkräfte escort of Heinkels had peeled off and the Czech Air Force Avia biplanes had taken up the escort. Now there was a market! Richthofen the ace consulted with Richthofen the salesman and both told Richthofen the chancellor that it was good.
He brought the plane in, where there was an Air Force ground party ready, and there to greet him were President Beneš, Prime Minister Hodža, and their Foreign Minister, Krofta, along with some Czech generals and other ministers. While Manfred changed out of his flying gear, the ground crew rolled out a carpet, and when the door was opened and he stepped out (no gaffes with Papen this time) a band began playing the Deutschlandlied.
When he reached the official party, Beneš himself stepped forward, hand out, and said, "Welcome to Praha, Herr von Richthofen."
Manfred looked up and down the line. Someone was missing. "I was expecting to meet your Captain Jindra," Manfred said to President Beneš. "Isn't that the usual custom? I meet the local air ace, we talk about the Good Old Days, sit for a few pictures, and only then do we get down to the serious business."
"He's been delayed. Won't you review the Guard of Honor?"
This was another "usual custom", the massed Czech Air Force honor guard snapped to attention as their President and his Honored Guest began to walk down the line.
There was also an official parade on the way to the Hradčany Castle, which towered above the city, its huge stone walls overbearing the quaint (indeed almost like home) Old Town. When they crossed over the Vltava River, Manfred noticed a Czech policeman scrambling to stay in front of a certain place on the bridge, but he had misjudged his timing. He was trying to stand in front of a painted inscription, that had also been ineffectually painted over, but Manfred thought it read "SMRT NEMCUM". He idly remarked to Papen, "These Czechs seem to be economical on their vowels. I wonder what that means?"
"I'll ask."
The cars passed into the Old Town, where the sidewalks were lined with people waving little Czech and German flags. Someone at least was happy to see him.
The signing was in a large room in the old castle, the huge Presidential Palace and apparently also Government Block of the Czechoslovak Republic, towering above the capital. Friedrich der Grosse had glared at this fortification before launching that desperate battle during the Seven Years' War, and before that Žižka had come forth from it to throw back the Imperialists during the war of the Hussites. As cameras flashed and the glare of the spotlights for the convenience of the newsreel cameras burned down upon them, Manfred and Hodža signed their long formal copies of the treaty, with Neurath and Krofta co-signing them, as it were. Behind the table, Beneš cheerfully smiled at this great day for the Republic.
Manfred turned and shook hands with the Czech president again, then faced the newsreel cameras and said, "This is the beginning of a new era of respect and cooperation between our nations. Germany has no territorial demands on Czechoslovakia, and it is our hope that Czechoslovakia will continue to respect the rights of its peoples. In these troubled times, now more than ever, those who hold true to the freedom of their nations must cooperate."
The reception would be that evening, and Manfred stared into the mirror making sure the Czech valet had arranged his medals right. He said, "I can see you in the mirror well enough."
Behind him Papen said, "A very good arrangement, if I may say so. We can sell them fighters and buy tanks, and we act in concert against an attack. The Truppenamt can now put to one side all those war plans where the Czechs were allied with the Aggressor, or neutral."
Manfred grunted. "It's not the most defensible country in the world. If Poland and Hungary went in together --"
"Yes, yes, I know, Poland wants Teschen and the Hungarians have issues with their border. But now we can get to Budapest, and more to the point now Poland is even more encircled. I shall begin making this point to their Colonel Beck."
Manfred carefully arranged the tie so it did not work in coordination with his Pour le Mérite ribbon to strangle him. Then he turned around. "Did you find out what that phrase means?"
Papen looked very droll. "I asked our translator, Dr. Schmidt. 'Smrt Nemcum' means 'Death to Germans'. Small wonder they tried to hide it. We shall of course pretend this deplorable incident never happened. No need to, as the English say, 'throw a spanner in the works.'
"Czechoslovakia has great prospects as a part of our alliances. The aggressive activities of Italy in the Balkans and Spain have left the Central European countries with little else in the way of alternatives and we can afford to be generous. Imagine, for example the problems inherent in actually having to conquer this place! Instead, we have their resources and their army as useful auxiliaries.
"From here we can go on to other matters. I have great hopes for the initiative with Lithuania, even if it does mean giving up our rightful claim to Memel. And once Poland is 'encircled', I believe they will see reason. Danzig is worth far more than Memel. And then, once France is also persuaded, there's Austria. I would rather defend the Reich outside our territory, Herr Noske's fair words about our nonaggression notwithstanding."
Manfred headed for the door. "That should be settled by the end of the year. Consider it my legacy to you, Herr Leuschner of the Social Democrats, Herr Treviranus, and all."
At the dinner -- and Captain Jindra did show up, he cited some problem with the train, "but now that we will be flying better planes that won't matter any longer" -- Manfred had to drink a few toasts to international collective security. International collective security was what had kept Lenin out of Poland and was keeping Mussolini out of Abyssinia, not to mention both him and Stalin out of Spain.
Papen and Neurath were advising that they recognize the Nationalists in Spain. That was realistic, but the Social Democrats might have a fit of unrealism. It should be moot by summer anyhow.
Oh no, Hodža was telling a joke. "You see, there were these two wild and crazy guys from Bratislava . . ."
"They won't let me see the frontier fortifications. If I were in their boots, I'd worry myself," Noske said. "Too many potential collaborators, even if most of them are Nazis."
General Guderian chimed in, "That Skoda tank of theirs is worth looking at. I hope we aren't overreaching ourselves. They won't be able to get this one armored division of theirs up to strength for a year or two, or have more than two motorized divisions with it by then, but in a few years they might be a threat."
Manfred considered that the next man's problem, but he did have some reassuring words. "You did say that they were using their own material? I think we can match it.
"Moreover, you have to consider the air s
upport factor. There are certain improvements in hand, I am informed by some very well-informed sources, that will enable us to maintain aerial superiority over the territory of the Reich."
The elevation of the Host had been accompanied by the departure of the Minister. But Franz von Papen was not the only faithful son of the Holy Church to be less than respectful that Easter, the fateful Tenth of April, 1939.
In Schweidnitz, the Gnadenskirche had been invaded by a hurrying Bodenschatz, and long before the service had ended the Reichskanzler was in the air, on the way to Berlin. (In Berlin, Stauffenberg too left Mass early, as did his new naval colleague, Prince Franz-Josef.)
Now it was Monday, and Manfred was staring at a desk buried in telegrams. Ambassador von Hassell, their man in Rome, had a long one that began, "The Duce left everyone in the dark."
Just now Oberst Oster of the Abwehr was saying, apologetically, "We assumed Mussolini would act with a modicum of sense. Demobilizing all those troops would normally have indicated that he was not contemplating any action. It looks like we can't assume he has any military sense."
"Of course not," Papen said sarcastically. "The Duce is the Universal Genius."
Admiral Canaris of the Truppenamt's Foreign Armies and Navies division said, "He is conducting the invasion with raw recruits. The Albanian army is officered by Italians anyhow, so resistance would be negligible."
"Initial resistance," Oster said. "Albania is full of armed hillmen. Fortunately for the Italians they are more interested in killing each other than invaders, but if they begin thinking like a nation . . ." he let his voice trail off.
"In any case, we've been caught by surprise. We have all been caught by surprise. I will send Herr Neurath to Geneva -- for all the good it will do. King Zog may end up being like Haile Selassie, wandering the chancelleries of Europe hoping for surcease," Manfred said, and sighed.
There was a knock at the door. "Who is it?" Papen said.
"His excellency, the ambassador of Austria to the Reich requests a meeting!"
"Why am I not surprised?" Manfred said. Then he turned and looked at all the important government papers that were spread over tables. One of those eager young English spies from the thrillers would have had the greatest day of his life if he had been able to see the German Ruler plotting in his privy chambers with his spymasters. All they needed was a copy of the Black Book.
"Five minutes, in my office," he replied. "Thank you, Herren, and I will meet with you again this evening to formulate a response."
"When?" Manfred said.
Herr Figl, the Ambassador of the Austrian Republic to the German Reich, sat at attention -- an attitude one rarely associated with the more easy-going Austrians. Papen stood by the fireplace, as usual, and kept on glancing at the door in case anyone else showed up.
"I said, when does Herr Dollfuss want to meet with me? I can arrange something next week, in Pocking, or even Munich --"
"Twelve-thirty," the ambassador said, firmly. "He is on the special train from Vienna and will arrive after noon. He impressed upon me the urgent necessity of this meeting."
"Twelve-thirty it is."
After the ambassador left, Papen smiled and said, "Congratulations, Herr Reichskanzler."
Manfred put his head in his hands and stared at the blotter. "There's nothing to congratulate. You know as well as I that he's frightened of Mussolini. It's nothing we did that has brought him here, he's afraid of being next on the list. Think about it. Mussolini was paying the Albanian army, Mussolini is paying the Heimwehr -- hadn't you better get busy drawing up a list of our terms?"
"Very well," Papen said and left.
That decision had needed some quick thinking, now he had to repent at leisure. He needed to talk to Noske. And Braun, and Wels, and Leuschner. The Social Democrats would be outraged over any deal with the Butcher of Vienna, the usurping tyrant who had shelled their comrades in the Karl Marx House. If they were going to accept the privileges of government, they would also have to accept the compromises.
Manfred picked up the telephone. "Put through a call to the Bendlerstrasse," he said.
". . . I have never seen a more terrified man in my life," Manfred said. "The Reichstag members who wanted to see the Front weren't a patch on him."
Had Noske been there he could have had some moderation, but Noske was dealing with the plans for a counterstrike into Austria. The Bendlerstrasse was full of scurrying officers in a fashion that had not been seen since the War. So Braun and Leuschner were leading a delegation of Social Democrats -- everyone they could round up -- to make their point.
"He must confess his errors," Braun said, stiffly. "His actions in Vienna were unspeakable, and his continued suppression of the SDAP is entirely unconscionable! He must be held accountable!"
"Short of annexing Austria? Now that would be an irony!" Manfred said.
"Comrade Braun, he has a point," Leuschner said, trying to still the troubled waters. "He has a point. Too much and we get Mussolini on our border." A mutter of agreement -- by no means universal -- came from the supporting members.
"Which is the entire point." Manfred stood up. "Herren, I appreciate this opportunity to share views with you, but Herr Dollfuss is trying to recover his nerve in my office, and I don't want to lose this opportunity. As Herr Leuschner has so wisely put it, we do not wish to have Mussolini on our borders."
And walking down the hall, he had to consider the matter. Breaking the coalition might not do as much harm now; the Bolsheviks and Nazis had withdrawn to their hidey-holes. But they still couldn't form a government; the fundamental problem that had made the Bolsheviks and Nazis so critical in the first place still existed. Here ahead was a problem that he could solve, and he stepped faster.
The secretary had been dismissed and he walked through the room to his office. Papen raised his head as the door opened. "Oh, Herr Reichskanzler!" he said. "While you were away, Herr Dollfuss and I have laid out some points for an agreement."
The tiny figure of the Austrian dictator was engulfed by the chair. For once, someone he could look down on! As Manfred went behind the desk he said, "You know, the Social Democrats will be dead certain now that we are conspiring against democracy."
Papen made a soft noise. "Such a pity. Especially since the Herr Kanzler has agreed to an amnesty for the SDAP members. Perhaps even elections in a couple of years, if they are well-behaved."
Manfred sat down. "And the Heimwehr? Starhemberg is Mussolini's man, politically and otherwise."
"He is gone. The Heimwehr will be cut back severely -- he can't get rid of it and they aren't as bad as Röhm's men."
"What about the French?"
"Fold the French until they are all corners and shove them up Mussolini's butt." They had been discussing the Austrian situation as if Dollfuss were in Vienna, and here he was. For a small man he had a great deal of energy, and he let it pour out. "Fine help they are. Laval was in Stresa last week. You don't think he gave the Duce the go-ahead while he was there?
"And fine help the Duce has been, that filthy pig-dog. A closer alliance, more Italian advisors, aid money. That poor fool Zog found out how good all that was."
Then he got control of himself. "If we present the French with a fait accompli there should be nothing they can do about it. Herr von Richthofen, it is my mission to create and preserve Austria, and if a deal with the German Reich will do so, I will make a deal with the German Reich."
The Reichstag chamber was full of shouts. "Smash the poison dwarf!"
Was that from the Nazis or the Social Democrats? The headlines in Vorwärts were eerily close to those in the Völkisher Beobachter: "AUSTRIAN MONSTER UNMASKED" was on the front of one or the other.
Papen would have said, dismissively, "Let them yap." But Papen was in Prague, meeting with Beneš to work out a coordinated response. The fact that Horthy was close to Mussolini, even if Hungary and Italy had the Yugoslav mountains between them, put a certain seriousness in Czech responses.
Neurath was in Geneva, and tomorrow he would present the Reich's case before the League of Nations emergency session. Even Bolko had gone off to London, as a personal emissary to Chamberlain. If Czechoslovakia and Austria were far off from England, they were uncomfortably close to Germany. All this left Manfred thrown on his own resources.
He had to do something, and nodded to Wels, who in a burst of sanity said "Recognize the Herr Reichskanzler." But he did not go up to the podium. Instead he went down, to stare at the ordinary Social Democrat members. He looked over their ranks, and gradually silence filled the great chamber.
"Must I?" he said, coldly, dismissively.
"Must I? Herr Dollfuss has come here, come to Berlin. He has offered us nine parts of what we want; why ruin it for a tenth? Herr Dollfuss is frightened for his life, which we have saved once before. He had to choose between his master, his slave-master, and the Reich. Throwing him back into Mussolini's tender clutches would be an act of the greatest folly.
"He has yielded. The SDAP members who have been Germany's guests, your guests, will be allowed to return, unharmed, untroubled. The fascists in Austria's government will be shown the door. Austria will openly cooperate with the Reich, will join in an alliance with us, against the terrors of Italian fascism and its domestic allies, against the horrors of Russian bolshevism and its domestic allies.
"With the help of the Reich, he can remain in control, keep peace with the Reich. Without it, he will have no alternative but to surrender to Italy, to put Italian power on the borders of the Reich. If that is done with the help of your party, then, I pity you."
The debate raged on, but the worm had turned. At least the SPD members who didn't like the deal abstained instead of voting against the government.
A Man and a Plane: An Alternate Germany Page 47