by Peires, Jeff
After about six kilometres, they reached Bulungwa’s residence. The doctor demanded that he give up his ubuthi, the secret substance which he was using to bewitch Mhala and his son. Bulungwa denied that he had any ubuthi. The people then rushed in and searched the dwelling but to no avail. When the great doctor himself entered, however, he returned in triumph with a piece of fat ‘half the size of a thimble’ on the point of a needle. From another dwelling he drew forth another piece of fat, to the infinite satisfaction of the crowd. Gawler did nothing except warn the doctor not to destroy property, but his mere presence probably saved the unbeliever’s life. Nobody raised a hand against Bulungwa and the whole party returned to Mhala’s Great Place. When the doctor secluded himself, as was the custom before announcing his findings, Gawler took Mhala aside and extracted assurances from the chief that neither Bulungwa nor his property would be touched.
Despite these assurances, Bulungwa’s life hung by a very slender thread and early the next day the unbeliever arrived at Gawler’s place in a state of utter terror. Sure enough, the doctor followed close behind him, accompanied by a group of leading believers who publicly accused Bulungwa of witchcraft and asked him to make a statement in his own defence. A large party of armed men appeared over the brow of the hill and another sealed off the drift over the river. Bulungwa pleaded his innocence and threw himself on the mercy of the court. More and more Xhosa pressed in behind those already confronting Bulungwa and Gawler in the magistrate’s little hut. A party of 20 men armed with spears and guns patrolled to and fro in front of the doorway. The believers hoped that the mounting threat of violence would frighten Gawler into surrendering their enemy, but they were disappointed. Mhala, of course, was absent to avoid being implicated and the magistrate took full advantage of this. He told the councillors that their chief had promised to spare Bulungwa, and he sent Mhala a message: ‘What are these armed men about my place?’ he demanded. ‘Are you going to eat [Bulungwa] up? By your agreement with Government all fines go to Government, therefore you must send his cattle to me.’ Mhala weighed his answer for nearly an hour. He must have considered an all-out attack, but he decided to give Gawler another chance to deliver Bulungwa up. ‘Bulungwa is a bad man,’ he replied eventually. ‘You yourself saw the [medicine] taken out of his hut – he was killing me. Why should I not kill him – what business had he to come talking to you about what I was doing to him?’33 Gawler saw that the old chief had drawn back from the brink, and pressed home his advantage. ‘What sort of chief do you call yourself? What confidence can I have in you … Let me go.’ Mhala considered his answer for two more hours and then he caved in. ‘My heart was very sore,’ he complained, ‘when rolled in two pieces of fat are bits of my own and my father’s [Ndlambe’s] hair, shown to me – both found in Bulungwa’s kraal. I had assembled men and had given orders to kill him but this time I hear your word. Bulungwa may go in peace but let him take care how he plays tricks again.’
It was a great victory and a great precedent. Bulungwa had disobeyed his chief by cultivating, he had been charged with witchcraft and, with the help of the magistrate, he had survived. In making this concession to Gawler, Mhala had surrendered his power to put his subjects to death, even when Xhosa law and Xhosa judicial processes warranted it. The way was open for all unbelievers to shake off the chiefly yoke and to cultivate and preserve their cattle under the protection of the colonial government. Gawler had no illusions that it was going to be easy. He realised that Bulungwa was a marked man and wanted him resettled in the Crown Reserve. He heard that the councillor Xayimpi was likewise suspected of witchcraft on account of his unbelief, and he helped him to flee.5 There were too many opportunities for killing a man on the quiet for their lives to be truly secure. Gawler wanted Maclean to send troops to his headquarters. He had threatened Mhala with troops, which was one reason why Mhala had given in.
But the magistrate’s victory was not followed up and government support for the unbelievers nowhere equalled that which Gawler, personally and at the risk of his own life, had given to Bulungwa. It has already been pointed out that Grey and Maclean had taken a very clear-cut decision to encourage the unbelievers to hold their ground, but not to support them with any colonial military force. Maclean did come to Mhala’s Great Place in person, affirming his support for Gawler and the unbelievers and temporarily suspending the pay of Mhala, who was careful to be absent. He offered Bulungwa a refuge, though not in the Crown Reserve. But he did not make any promises of concrete military support, and departed leaving Gawler and the unbelievers to face the wounded and enraged Mhala as best they could. Two days later the chief reiterated his order not to cultivate, and once again none of the Ndlambe Xhosa, apart from Bulungwa, dared to disobey him.6
Mhala’s decision to spare Bulungwa was probably influenced by the thought that it was not worth risking a confrontation with the colonial government when ultimate salvation lay just around the corner. Thus, although much of the chief’s energy was absorbed by his need to dodge the authorities, the main focus of his attention remained fixed on the Gxarha River. These hopes were not in the least diminished by the disappointing report of the delegation he had sent to Mhlakaza in early October. The delegates had been informed that the new people were away for the time being, although one or two of them might still be seen at the river mouth. Three members of the delegation kept watch for three days but saw nothing. Mhlakaza then told them that the new people were sure to be back soon and that they should return the following month. Some of the delegates were noticeably disillusioned by this reception, most significantly Mhala’s son, Smith, who sent his oxen to St Luke’s mission for safe-keeping shortly after he returned.7
Early in November, the delegation left for its second visit to the Gxarha. Mhala was ‘sanguine’ about their prospects and slaughtered an ox ‘to clear their eyes’. He had heard once that he was to be made young again, and he did not want to hear anything different. The delegates, by contrast, were considerably less hopeful, and Smith and some of the others expressed the hope that they might get back quickly so as to be in time to plough. It took them longer than expected to return – they were delayed for nine days at the Kei drift – and the waverers began once more to swing towards the side of unbelief.8 Then the great news arrived that the British warship, the Geyser, had been destroyed by the new people, and unbelief was suddenly at an end. Mhala began to kill his cattle in earnest. The word was spread about that the new people were getting tired of all this endless talk and querying, and had said that the people should waste no more time, but go immediately and kill all their cattle. This enthusiasm was not tempered by the second delegation’s somewhat unsatisfactory report.9
The delegates reported that Nongqawuse kept them waiting for two days, and on the third day took them to a vantage point from which they could see some figures in the mist. They were not allowed to address these figures or go near enough to see them distinctly. It was not much to go on, but it was enough. As Gawler put it, Mhala had been promised ‘youth, beauty, cattle and no end of things and he does not like giving up the idea’.10
A formal meeting was held on the day after the delegation’s return. All the delgates except Smith announced their belief in the prophecies. Almost every homestead in Mhala’s district slaughtered cattle that night. More meetings were held on the following days. Support for the Cattle-Killing was overwhelming, and Gawler could do nothing about it. Mhala told him that the government should have sent its own man to the Gxarha and then it would have seen the truth. Makinana, Mhala’s Great Son, spoke out strongly against the Cattle-Killing but loyally elected to stand by his father and his people, despite their error. Smith, on the other hand, quarrelled violently with Mhala and told a large crowd that ‘They say I am killing my father – so I would kill him before I would kill my cattle.’ ‘Show now whom you are for,’ demanded Mhala of Ndayi, his Great Councillor, ‘the English or me?’ ‘What river do you now intend crossing?’ responded Ndayi, reminding
Mhala of his past mistakes and defeats. ‘You were once [living] near Grahamstown.’ But all argument was in vain. Mhala committed himself irrevocably to the course he had long desired. ‘I believe,’ he informed Sarhili, his King, ‘I am killing.’ And he did.11
1 GH 8/49 J Gawler-J Maclean, 11 Oct. 1856.
2 For Bulungwa’s spying, see BK 373 J Maclean-W Liddle, 20 Sept. 1854; for Xhosa knowing about it, see Rubusana (1906), p.529.
3 Acc 793 J Gawler-J Maclean, 29 Oct. 1856; BK 373 J Maclean-G Grey, 3 Nov. 1856.
4 Acc 793 J Gawler-J Maclean, 29 Oct. 1856. 33. Acc 793 J Gawler-J Maclean, 31 Oct. 1856.
5 Ibid.
6 For Maclean’s own account, see BK 373 J Maclean-G Grey, 3 Nov. 1856. Mhala retracted his ban on cultivation under pressure from Gawler but said ‘it would not be necessary’ to send a special messenger to inform his people of the change. Needless to say, none of Mhala’s subjects were in any doubt concerning his real wishes. See Acc 793 J Gawler-J Maclean, 31 Oct., 2 Nov. 1856; BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 17 Nov. 1856.
7 GH 8/49 J Gawler-J Maclean, 5 Nov. 1856; GH 8/49 J Maclean-G Grey, 6 Nov. 1856. Smith paid a private visit to the Gxarha relatively early on, and returned ‘infected’ with the idea of the Cattle-Killing. BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 7 Sept. 1856. But this did not last.
8 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 7, 17 Nov. 1856.
9 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 20 Nov. 1856.
10 For the detailed description of the visit of the delegation contained in BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 22 Nov. 1856, see Chapter 3/3. See also, GH 8/49 J Gawler-J Maclean, 22 Nov. 1856.
11 I have slightly rephrased part of this extract from BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 30 Nov. 1856. Mhala is reported as having said that the prophets ‘could not deceive a white man’, implying thereby that no deception was involved. See also BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 30 Nov., 7 Dec. 1856.
4. NONKOSI SPEAKS
Mhala spent most of December 1856 killing his cattle, pressurising the unbelievers and distracting Gawler by repeated promises to cultivate.1 Two great believers, his nephew Yosi and a councillor named Nkwintsha, were sent to Mhlakaza to ask if Mhala should also kill the funeral cattle of his father Ndlambe, something never before contemplated. They returned with an affirmative answer, but they saw nothing at the Gxarha. Killing continued apace and by the middle of the month most of Mhala’s loyal subordinates had killed all their bulls and all their oxen, and started on the calves and the milk-cows. Disappointed by the recent news from the Gxarha, Mhala sent Nkwintsha yet again, hoping to get ‘a report in accordance with his wishes’. On 28 December Nkwintsha returned, having once more seen nothing.
By this time, the excitement surrounding Nxito’s return was at its highest. Mhala sent his brother Nowawe to the meeting held in Butterworth at the beginning of 1857. There was general consternation among the believers when he returned without news.2 But Mhala was not easily discouraged and, besides, he now had no further need to look to the Gxarha. A prophetess had arisen at the Mpongo River in his own country.
In the valley of the Mpongo, there lived a lame old Xhosa doctor named Kulwana. He believed in the prophecies as did his neighbours, including a woman named Nonkazana, who began to prophesy in support of Nongqawuse. Kulwana’s little daughter Nonkosi, a girl of about 11 years, was naturally affected by the prevailing excitement. She used to play near a pool in the Mpongo River and, early in January, she too began to see strange people. Her first recorded statement is strongly reminiscent of normal childhood fantasies concerning imaginary friends.
I was going down to water one day with a lot of little girls, near my father’s kraal on the Umpongo. A man suddenly showed himself out of the water. I ran home, and went down next day and saw him again, and he spoke to me, but when he found I was afraid of him he spoke to another girl. A few days after, he found that she lived at a distance, so he took to me again.
And the second time, after I had got confidence, he told me that I was to let ‘Umhala’ and the other chiefs know about it. He showed me a lot of cattle in the water, and some milking outside; also several other men in the water, and he dived about himself. He told me everything was to be said through me, and no one was to speak to him but me, and he did not always promise to speak when spoken to, or to show any wonders.
As I often went to the river, I and my companions built some huts on the bank of the river, and he used often to sleep in them. He said he had come to put the country right, that he had already been to ‘Moshesh’ and taken him some corn; and half ‘Moshesh’s’ people were destroyed because they were not quick in believing. That everything the [Xhosa] possessed now was to be done away with, and that the Fingoes would be destroyed, and the English would all run to King Williams Town, and be destroyed there …3
In most respects, the message of the new people through Nonkosi was the same as that of Nongqawuse, ‘that cattle-killing is to be carried on and that until the present cattle are all destroyed, the new cattle will not be provided’. All the Xhosa territories invaded and settled by whites would be restored to them as far as Grahamstown, and the fallen heroes who had formerly lived there would rise and reoccupy their old homes. Nonkosi was quite definite that ornaments should be disposed of rather than worn, and that fires should be made of sneezewood rather than mimosa. Believers should shave off their eyebrows to distinguish them clearly from unbelievers.4
It was a simple fantasy and not, perhaps, remarkable under the circumstances, but its effect in Mhala’s country was electric. For the many believers who had committed their all to the prophecies and who yet lacked any concrete reward for their sacrifice, it was a welcome confirmation of the rightness of their actions.
[Nonkosi] used to lead the people to a pond there at the Mpongo, and there used to see abakweta [newly-circumcised youths] dancing on the surface of the water, and they thought that they heard the thudding of the oxhide, accompanied by a song, to which the abakweta danced. Truly the people were so deluded that they went so far as to claim that they had seen the horns of cattle, heard the lowing of milk-cows, the barking of dogs, and the songs of milkmen at milking-time.5
Old Kulwana supported the prophecies of his daughter, saying that he himself could hear the cattle bellowing underground.
Mhala came often to Nonkosi, seeking comfort and reassurance as his entire world crumbled about him. There is something unbearably pathetic in this picture of the venerable old chief – in his day, perhaps the shrewdest, richest and most powerful man in British Kaffraria – begging advice and guidance from an imaginative 11-year-old. Phatho, Qasana, Namba and other chiefs brought low by their own errors and misjudgements came likewise.6
Nkwintsha, the head councillor of the Mpongo district, was sometimes present at these interviews. Many months later he was to confess – under circumstances we shall discuss in detail later on – that he had given Nonkosi money, that he had told her the names of her distinguished visitors, that he had described to her the physical attributes of the dead chiefs she said she saw, even that he had helped her to simulate new stock, new corn, and the voices of the dead from the pool. He may have done some or all of these things. So much of his confession was clearly fabricated under pressure from his captors, that there is no reason to believe any of his statements. But even if Nkwintsha did help Nonkosi with some parts of her performance, his assistance only elaborated and confirmed her prophecies: it did not create them. Nonkosi’s prophecies, like those of Nongqawuse, arose out of the spiritual and material anguish of the Xhosa nation, and the chiefs and people believed them for the same reason.
Under Nonkosi’s influence, Mhala rapidly ran through the last of his cattle, slaughtering at the rate of four or five a day. By the end of January, he was killing those set aside at Ndlambe’s death. They were his last. In the final days before the Great Disappointment, he roamed
the country exhorting, threatening and demanding cattle from those who still retained a few, and then killing them in furious abandon.7
1 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 7, 10, 18, 30 Dec. 1856; GH 8/30 C Brownlee-J Maclean, 25 Dec. 1856.
2 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 14 Jan. 1856.
3 GH 8/33 Schedule 519, 29 Oct. 1857.
4 GH 8/31 Information communicated, 16 Jan., 8 Feb. 1857.
5 MIC 172/2, Cory Library, USPG Archives, Reel 1, W Greenstock Journal, 22 Sept. 1857. Jordan (1971), p.73. Usually I have preferred my own translations of Gqoba (1888), but here I quote Jordan’s very free translation simply because it is so much more evocative than a more literal translation would be.
6 GH 8/33 Schedule 519, 29 Oct. 1856. For more on the evidence of Nonkosi’s activities, see Chapter 4.
7 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 26 Jan., 7 Feb. 1857.
5. THE BATTLE IS JOINED
After the rescue of Bulungwa, Magistrate Gawler asked Chief Commissioner Maclean for troops to defend the unbelievers in his district. Towards the end of November he asked him again, with no better success. Gawler was sure that many of the waverers wanted to preserve their cattle and cultivate their gardens, but he was unable to promise them military protection against the wrath of Mhala. Ndayi, Bulungwa and Smith Mhala appealed repeatedly for troops and Gawler repeatedly assured them that troops were on the way, even though he knew very well that Grey and Maclean had already refused to consider such assistance.1
Gawler did his best to boost the confidence of the unbelievers, taking a select group to East London to show them the ships in which the German Legion had recently arrived. The unbelievers returned greatly impressed by British technology and their own courage in ignoring the warnings of the believers that they would be kidnapped and sent to England.2 While the believers were wasting their last resources, the unbelievers were slowly mustering their strength as isolated amagogotya from as far away as Sarhili’s country fled their homesteads and joined up with the more powerful members of their party.3