21 Clutching Murray’s Handbook: Murray’s Handbook of Rome and Its Environs (London: John Murray, 1858); Hawthorne often quotes Murray’s descriptions and views in his journals.
22 “In the church of San Paulo”: Feb. 7, 1858, FIN, p. 60.
23 American expatriates: Ada Shepard to Lucy Shepard, Aug. 6, 1858, BY.
24 “the sky itself”: William Wetmore Story to James Russell Lowell, Dec. 30, 1855, quoted in Henry James, William Wetmore Story and His Friends (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1903), vol. 1, p. 298.
25 “Their public”: May 21, 1858, FIN, p. 220.
26 “With sparkling talents”: Oct. 4, 1858, FIN, p. 448.
27 “He is certainly sensible”: Feb. 14, 1858, FIN, p. 73.
28 “I cannot say”: SH, Roman journal, Feb. 18, 1858, Berg.
29 Like all of the other expatriate: For this chapter I’ve consulted Paul R. Baker, The Fortunate Pilgrims: Americans in Italy, 1800–1864 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1964); Van Wyck Brooks, The Dream of Arcadia: American Writers and Artists in Italy (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1958); Hugh Honour, Neo-Classicism (New York: Viking Penguin, 1987); Joy S. Kasson, Marble Queens and Captives: Women in Nineteenth-Century American sculpture (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1990); Theodore E. Stebbins Jr., ed., The Lure of Italy: American Artists and the Italian Experience, 1760—1914 (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1992); William Vance, America’s Rome (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1989); Nathalia Wright, American Novelists in Italy: The Discoverers: Allston to James (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1965).
30 “cleverness and ingenuity”: Apr. 3, 1858, FIN, p. 153.
31 Lander insisted on puffing: Maria Mitchell, journal, Mar. 9, 1858, BY.
32 “The likeness was destroyed”: NHHW, vol. 2, p. 183. For a refutation of JH’s story, see John Idol Jr. and Sterling Eisminger, “Hawthorne Sits for a Bust by Maria Louisa Lander,” Essex Institute Historical Collections 114 (1978), pp. 207–12.
33 “like a boy”: Maria Mitchell, journal, Feb. 4, 1858, BY.
34 “She was indeed”: Apr. 3, 1858, FIN, p. 158.
35 “I think Miss Hosmer”: UH to EPP, Feb. 24, 1858 [misdated 1859], BY.
36 “Hatty takes a high hand”: William Wetmore Story to James Russell Lowell, Feb. 11, 1853, quoted in James, William Wetmore Story, vol. 1, p. 254.
37 “entirely ignorant”: Apr. 3, 1858, FIN, p. 156.
38 “The amelioration of society”: “The Ancestral Footstep,” in American Claimant Manuscripts, p. 70.
39 “did nothing of importance”: Pocket diary, Apr. 30, 1858, FIN, p. 594.
40 “I doubt greatly”: NH to WDT, Apr. 14, 1858, C XVIII, p. 140.
41 Yet at about the same time … “Mr. Hawthorne commenced”: Mozier visited the Hawthornes on April 2; Hawthorne wrote of Fuller in his journal the next day. While Ada Shepard noted April 13 (Ada Shepard to Henry Clay Badger, Apr. 14, 1858, BY), the extant “Ancestral Manuscript” bears a date of April i, with an earlier leaf having been cut out. Hawthorne’s remarks about women and social change were written on May 14, 1858.
42 This new book comes: Rose Hawthorne Lathrop and her husband George Lathrop published the manuscript partly to fend off Julian’s latest gambit, passing off some of the fragments discovered among his father’s papers as a newly discovered work. (These fragments, cobbled together, became known as Doctor Grimshawe’s Secret). For textual information and details about the publishing history of these drafts, see C XII, pp. 491–515, 523–34. For more information on the squabble between the Lathrops and Julian Hawthorne, see Brenda Wineapple, “The Biographical Imperative; or, Hawthorne Family Values,” Biography and Source Studies 6, ed. Frederick Karl (New York: AMS Press, 1998), pp. 1–13.
43 “touches that shall puzzle”: “The Ancestral Footstep,” in American Claimant Manuscripts, p. 87.
44 “singular discoveries”: “The Ancestral Footstep,” in American Claimant Manuscripts, p. 11.
45 “so remorseful”: “The Ancestral Footstep,” in American Claimant Manuscripts, p. 50.
46 “He rather felt”: “The Ancestral Footstep,” in American Claimant Manuscripts, p. 60.
47 “what shall be the nature”: “The Ancestral Footstep,” in American Claimant Manuscripts, p. 53.
48 “withdraw himself”: “The Ancestral Footstep,” in American Claimant Manuscripts, p. 18.
49 “He [Hamlet] lived so”: SH to EPP, Apr. 22, 1857, Berg.
50 “The progress of the world”: “The Life of Franklin Pierce,” in Miscellaneous Prose and Verse, C XXIII, p. 352.
51 “The moral, if any”: “The Ancestral Footstep,” in American Claimant Manuscripts, p. 56.
52 “blessed words”: UH to Richard Manning Jr., May 3, 1858, PE.
53 “What a land!”: SH, Notes in England and Italy (New York: G. P. Putnam & Son, 1869), p. 487.
54 The Hawthornes … like strayed: UH to MM, July 19, 1858, BY.
55 “Paradise of cheapness”: June 3, 1858, FIN, p. 283.
56 “What can man”: June 4, 1858, FIN, p. 283.
57 Their illustrious neighbors: SH, Notes in England and Italy, p. 344.
58 “Mr. Hawthorne has become”: SH to MM, June 7–10, 1858, Berg.
59 “Every day I shall”: June 4, 1858, FIN, p. 283.
60 Powers tickled Hawthorne … “full of bone”: June 13, 1858, FIN, p. 314; June 7, 1858, p. 290.
61 “after admiring”: June 10, 1858, FIN, p. 307.
62 “Until we learn”: June 15, 1858, FIN, p. 317.
63 “For my part”: June 15, 1858, FIN, pp. 317–18.
64 “Had it not been”: July 8, 1858, FIN, p. 367.
65 “wish it to be”: “The Ancestral Footstep,” in American Claimant Manuscripts, p. 58.
66 “I feel an impulse”: June 13, 1858, FIN, p. 316.
67 Hawthorne caught cold: See SH to MM, June 7–10, 1858, Berg; and SH to EPP, Aug. 14, 1858, Berg.
68 “big enough to quarter”: NH to JTF, Sept. 3, 1858, C XVIII, p. 150.
69 Marching through … The view: Aug. 4, 1858, p. 390; Aug. 2, 1858, p. 383, in FIN.
70 “I find this Italian”: NH to JTF, Sept. 3, 1858, C XVIII, p. 151.
71 Ada Shepard sent tidings: Manuscripts enclosed in RH to Clifford Smythe, July 3, 1925, courtesy Evelyn Hamby; Stanford.
72 “with a sad reluctance”: Sept. 28, 1858, FIN, p. 429.
73 “I am not loth”: Sept. 29, 1858, FIN, p. 436.
CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE: THINGS TO SEE AND SUFFER
1 “ROME ROME ROME”: SH, notebooks, Oct. 18, 1858, Berg.
2 “Now that I,” “Besides”: Oct. 17, 1858, FIN, p. 488.
3 “to such Arabs”: SH, notebooks, Oct. 18, 1858, Berg, quoted in Passages from the English Notebooks, ed. Sophia Hawthorne (Boston: Fields, Osgood, 1870), p. 541.
4 “uncommonly good terms”: John Rogers Jr. to Henry Rogers, Feb. 13, 1859, New-York Historical Society.
5 Punctilious, the American expatriate: See a note regarding the work of the so-called committee of investigation, Dec. 27, 1858, among the William Wetmore Story papers, Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas at Austin: Lander evidently committed an unpardonable sin against society, or the committee, when she refused to let Benjamin Appleton, an American physician, testify in the form of an affidavit sworn before the United States ambassador. Appleton declined to testify in any other way. It’s not clear why Appleton insisted on an affidavit nor why Lander insisted he speak only before the committee, but the stalemate effectively disabled the committee, allowing, it seems, Lander neither defense nor recourse.
6 “Miss Lander’s life”:
NH to Louisa Lander and Elizabeth Lander, Nov. 13, 1858, C XVIII, p. 158. For a highly speculative reading of Hawthorne’s relation to Lander, unsupported by evidence but entertaining, see T. Walter Herbert’s otherwise excellent Dearest Beloved: The Hawthornes and the Making of the Middle-Class Family, pp. 231–34.
7 “I have suffered more”: NH to FP, Oct. 27, 1858, C XXVIII, p. 156.
8 She first was diagnosed: At the time, it was assumed that breathing bad air (mala aria) caused malaria; hence it was assumed that Una took ill after sitting to sketch in the Colosseum, somewhat like her descendant Daisy Miller. Oddly, contemporary critics repeat the account, although it is known that malaria is caused by a parasitic virus transmitted to humans through infected mosquitoes, which Una may have contracted before returning to Rome.
9 “like a tragic heroine”: Nov. 2, 1858, FIN, p. 495.
10 “The ill effects”: NHHW, vol. 2, p. 210. Acting as an antiseptic, quinine retards the progress of the disease, but when taken in large doses over long periods, it can produce gastric disorders and disorders of the nervous system, including vertigo, apprehension, confusion, delirium, excitability, and vision and hearing problems. Because quinine can depress the nervous system and the heart, it’s possible the effects of the drug were a material cause in Una Hawthorne’s final illness and death. See Gordon MacPherson, ed., Black’s Medical Dictionary (London: A. & C. Black, 1992), p. 493. I am also indebted to Carolyn Kelly Patten’s fine unpublished paper “Una Hawthorne: Seeking a Purpose,” written for my Hawthorne graduate seminar at NYU in 1997.
11 “I have been trying”: NH to JTF, Feb. 3, 1859, C XVIII, p. 160.
12 “As for my success”: NH to JTF, Feb. 3, 1859, C XVIII, pp. 160–61.
13 “I never knew”: NH to WDT, Mar. 4, 1859, C XVIII, p. 163.
14 “God help us!”: Apr. 8, 1859, FIN, p. 657.
15 “I don’t know”: Ada Shepard to Henry Clay Shepard, Apr. 9, 1859, BY; SH to EPP, July 3–4, 1859, Berg.
16 But Sophia … Una said: SH to EPP, July 3–4, 1859, Berg.
17 “We won’t play any more”: NHHW, vol. 2, p. 208.
18 “It is not natural”: SH to MM, Apr. 9, 1859, Berg.
19 “I do not remember”: SH to EPP, July 3–4, 1859, Berg.
20 Even Mrs. Browning: The foregoing is paraphrased from SH to EPP, July 3–4, 1859, Berg.
21 “No one else could”: SH to EPP, July 3–4, 1859, Berg.
22 “with a miraculous”: Mar. 23, 1859, FIN, p. 512.
23 “The Kansas outrages”: Quoted in Nevins, Ordeal of the Union, vol. 2, p. 455.
24 “I did not know what”: Apr. 19, 1859, FIN, p. 518.
25 “He says he should die”: SH to EPP, [Apr. 24, 1859], Berg.
26 “But (life being”: May 29, 1859, FIN, p. 524.
27 “My fatigue”: SH to JTF, June 26, 1859, BPL.
28 “I have known her”: Thomas Tryon, Parnassus Corner: A Life of James T. Fields (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1963), p. 211.
29 She liked Hawthorne: AF, diary, June 27, 1859, MHS.
30 He’d grown … The Italian adventure: Ada Shepard to Henry Clay Badger, June 23, 1858, BY; NH to Francis Bennoch, June 17, 1859, C XVIII, p. 178.
31 “He is entirely”: FP to HB, Sept. 11, 1859, Bowdoin.
32 “It was a proposition”: FP to HB, Sept. 11, 1859, Bowdoin.
33 Again, the issue: Clark, Hawthorne at Auction, 1894–1971, p. 127.
34 “I think of Mamma”: UH to EPP, Aug. 13, 1859, BY.
35 “It is as bleak”: NH to Francis Bennoch, July 23, 1859, C XVIII, p. 182.
36 Hawthorne disappeared … In the evening: See UH to Ada Shepard, July 29, 1859, Antioch.
37 “The sea entirely”: SH to EPP, July 31, 1859, Berg.
38 “As usual he thinks”: SH to EPP, [Oct. 1859], Berg.
39 Aversion aside … minor suggestions: See, for instance, “Textual Introduction” to The Marble Faun, CIV, pp. xxv, lxviii.
40 “Monte Beni is our”: SH to EPP, Feb. 27, 1860, Berg.
41 He also played: NH to JTF, Oct. 10, 1859, p. 196; NH to WDT, Dec. 1, 1859, C XVIII, p. 206. The Hawthornes had visited St. Hilda’s Abbey while in Whitby, just before moving to Redcar, in July 1859, from which the name of Hilda was likely taken, especially because Una at the time was reading Scott’s Marmion. See UH to Ada Shepard, July 29, 1859, Antioch. Also, local legend explains that the lamp atop the medieval tower, built circa 1000, at the Palazzo Scapucci commemorates the Madonna’s rescue of a child once imprisoned in the tower by, of all things, a monkey. In Hawthorne’s day, the monkey tower’s inhabitant stoked the lamp; today a neighborhood organization uses electricity. It also claims that the monkey was named Hilda. See NH to WDT, Dec. 1 and 22, 1859, C XVIII, pp. 206, 211; see also Bookseller’s Medium and Publisher’s Advertiser 2 (Feb. 1, 1860), p. 223.
42 But he went along: NH to WDT, Feb. 3, 1860, C XVIII, p. 222; see SH to MM, Apr. 27, 1860, Berg, which implies that Hawthorne did suggest “The Transformation”—not as good a title, it seems, as “Transformation.”
43 “A wonderful book”: Quoted in Edward W. Emerson, The Early Years of the Saturday Club, p. 213.
44 “When we have known”: The Marble Faun, pp. 1123–24.
45 “a sort of poetic”; “between the real”; It’s also: The Marble Faun, p. 855; The Scarlet Letter, p. 149; The Marble Faun, p. 855.
46 “casual sepulchre” … “heap of broken”: The Marble Faun, p. 945.
47 “far gone,” “crust,” “pit”: The Marble Faun, pp. 1104, 1135, 987.
48 No matter how: I have found Joseph Riddel’s discussion of The Marble Faun instructive; see Joseph Riddel, Purloined Letters: Originality and Repetition in American Literature, ed. Mark Bauerlein (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1995). Millicent Bell’s eloquent “The Marble Faun and the Waste of History,” Southern Review 35:2 (spring 1999), pp. 354–70, dovetails with much of my thinking about the novel; “new historicist” interpretations of the novel include Robert S. Levine, “Antebellum Rome in The Marble Faun,” American Literary History 2:1 (spring 1990), pp. 19–38, and Nancy Bentley, The Ethnography of Manners: Hawthorne, James, Wharton (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1995), chap. 2. More recently issues of race and gender are discussed in the essays collected in Robert K. Martin and Leland S. Person, ed., Roman Holidays: American Writers and Artists in Nineteenth-Century Italy (Iowa City: Univ. of Iowa Press, 2002). For intelligent speculation about Hawthorne and Una, see Herbert, Dearest Beloved: The Hawthornes and the Making of the Middle-Class Family, chaps. 13–17; I don’t think Herbert’s speculations wrong-headed, though I think he overstates his case—so much so that I cannot include it in my narrative of the making of The Marble Faun without more palpable or textual evidence. I do think, however, that if one were to pursue this line of inquiry, it would be equally useful to contemplate the sprightly Julian as a model for the sprightly, beautiful Donatello and to wonder if the fantasy of incest includes sons as well as daughters.
49 “appeared before the Public”: The Marble Faun, p. 853.
50 And he knows he must: Washington Irving to NH, Aug. 9, 1852, Houghton, quoted in C XVI, p. 571; see Chapter 18. Richard Brodhead, The School of Hawthorne (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1986), chap. 4, expertly discusses Hawthorne’s need to surpass himself in terms of the larger culture issue of canon-making and Hawthorne’s collaboration with his own institutionalization. In this regard, see also Jane Tompkins’s justly renowned “Masterpiece Theater: The Politics of Hawthorne’s Literary Reputation,” in Sensational Designs (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1985), chap. 1.
51 “It is strange”: Ada Shepard to Henry Clay Badger, June 23, 1858, BY.
52 Applying for his Italian passport: Se
e NH to Benjamin Moran, Sept. 15, 1857, C XVIII, p. 97.
53 “We all of us”: The Marble Faun, p. 1059.
54 “ ‘The sky itself’ ”: The Marble Faun, pp. 1067, 1104.
55 Modeled loosely on William Story: Hawthorne places in Kenyon’s studio, for instance, Story’s sculpture Cleopatra. He also attributes Benjamin Paul Akers’s The Dead Pearl Diver to Kenyon as well as Harriet Hosmer’s The Clasped Hands.
56 “climb heights and stand”: The Marble Faun, p. 1068.
57 “guiltless of Rome”: The Marble Faun, p. 1044.
58 “neither man nor animal”: The Marble Faun, p. 861.
59 Later this nameless figure: Toward the end of the novel, Donatello again sybolically resembles the Model when he wears the white robes of the penitent and a “featureless mask over the face” (The Marble Faun, p. 1179).
60 “burning drop of African blood”: The Marble Faun, p. 870.
61 “he could not keep”: Francis Bennoch to George Holden, Dec. 3, 1885, UVA.
62 “She was, I suppose”: EN, vol. 1, pp. 481–82. Another source for Miriam may have been Henriette Deluzy-Desportes, the governess involved in the scandalous Praslin murder in Paris in the summer of 1847. The evidence is circumstantial but interesting; see Nathalia Wright, “Hawthorne and the Praslin Murder,” New England Quarterly 15:1 (1942), pp. 5–14. After the Duc de Praslin murdered his wife, who had fired the governess, and then killed himself before being tried for his crime, Mlle. Deluzy was arrested. Though proven innocent of any wrongdoing, she remained under so much suspicion that she eventually left France for America, where she married the son of one of Hawthorne’s Berkshire neighbors, David Dudley Field. Though Sophia Hawthorne did suggest that Hawthorne had a well-known case in mind when conceiving of Miriam, its exact identity remains unknown.
63 “such as one sees”: The Marble Faun, p. 891
64 “a Jewish aspect”: The Marble Faun, p. 891.
65 “Over and over again”: The Marble Faun, p. 890.
66 “I did what your eyes”: The Marble Faun, p. 997.
67 “fallen and yet sinless”: Feb. 20, 1858, FIN, pp. 92–93; see also The Marble Faun, p. 906. Hawthorne looted his own journals for fresh descriptions of everything from the worshippers at St. Peter’s to the blue-coated French soldiers quartered on the ground floor of the Barberini Palace to his and Sophia’s stumbling onto the bier of a dead monk in the darkly cool Capuchin church, reproduced in the chapter “The Dead Capuchin.” And of course he used his and Una’s experiences at the Carnival for the novel’s chapter “A Scene in the Corso” which, given Kenyon’s state of mind, appear to him as the “emptiest of mockeries” when contrasted with the esprit of the previous year: this too was Hawthorne’s experience, for the Carnival in the second instance took place during Una’s siege.
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