The first of these ladies, Viscountess Jeanne of Châtellherault, has already appeared in the earlier chapters. She was the daughter of Eleanor’s mother’s youngest sister, Mathilde of Dammartin, and was demonstrably a close contact of Eleanor’s over a number of years. It appears likely that Jeanne and Eleanor were born within a year of each other and that Eleanor was involved in arranging Jeanne’s marriage to Geoffrey de Lusignan in around 1260, and the two possibly spent time together on Crusade. Further, there is correspondence which seems to demonstrate that she was also involved in Jeanne’s second marriage, to the Sieur de Harcourt (a baron of Normandy), which occurred sometime between May 1278, when she appeared as a widow in litigation against one of her first husband’s bailiffs, and March 1279, when Jeanne of Ponthieu died. Eleanor exerted herself to assist Jeanne; for example, she corresponded with Robert Burnell about her cousin’s business in 1282. There is also material which shows Eleanor and Edward visiting her cousin in July 1289, and sending a thank-you present of scarlet cloth and some ermine furs after the visit.12
The second member of her maternal family with whom Eleanor corresponded (and who is referred to as her cousin) is the Countess of Gueldres. She was probably Marie of Flanders, the daughter-in-law of her aunt Philippa of Dammartin. Marie had previously been married to Edward’s nephew Alexander of Scotland.
The presence of both of these maternal relations in her list of regular correspondents indicates that Eleanor also corresponded freely with her mother while her mother lived, and strongly suggests a wider correspondence with her maternal relations generally – an inference borne out by other connections discussed below.
But there was also correspondence with her paternal connections, and members of Edward’s family: Eleanor’s third correspondent in 1289–90 was Isabelle de Brienne, the daughter of Eleanor’s cousin Alphonso de Brienne, who had married Marie de Lusignan, Countess of Eu. Isabelle married Jean de Dampierre, the Sieur of Dampierre. This correspondence with her wider family, including the Brienne connection, is consistent with the interest which she took in that family’s careers.
The final lady mentioned in the 1289–90 records is Isabelle de Lusignan, the half-sister of Henry III who married Maurice of Craon, and later Geoffrey de Rancon, the seneschal of Poitou, who appears to have been managing Craon on behalf of her son, the heir to the lordship.13
As can be seen from this list of correspondents, Eleanor’s family should not be regarded as confined to her immediate blood – cousins were close associates even when they were not likely to meet for years at a time.
But there is a whole further layer of family which has to be considered: Eleanor’s household, often referred to in the records as her familia. A starting point here is a quick review of Eleanor’s immediate attendants – men and women. Eleanor now stood at the head of a household that comprised around 150 people. In 1289–90, Eleanor had twelve knights, of whom one was the husband of her long-standing lady-in-waiting Margery de Haustede. Robert de Haustede himself had been part of Eleanor’s household since at least 1266, when Eleanor interceded for him with Henry III. He went on Crusade with Edward and Eleanor and moved temporarily into Edward’s household in 1280, before gaining promotion to the role of Eleanor’s butler. He then accompanied the couple on the Gascon trip of 1286, and was knighted following their return. His close involvement with the whole royal family is shown by the fact that he was later to travel with Eleanor’s daughter Margaret to her new home in Brabant.14
Two other knights in Eleanor’s service were Guy Ferre junior and Giles de Fiennes, whose surnames echo those of some of Eleanor’s connections in earlier years. Guy de Ferre was the son of John Ferre, who had served as Eleanor’s yeoman as early as 1266. The family appear to have had connections in Gascony, each of John and Guy having been given postings there at some point in their career. John married one of Eleanor’s ladies, Joanna, and the pair of them accompanied Eleanor and Edward on Crusade. John’s brother, Guy, was the queen mother’s steward and became magister to Edward of Caernarfon. The younger Guy was a ‘scutifer’ (a squire, and probably one of the more senior staff under the steward’s direction) in Eleanor’s service by April 1277. He seems to have impressed her, receiving grants of land from her in 1281 and 1289, a legacy of £100 on her death and further lands from the king. He also succeeded in marrying well, obtaining the hand of the daughter and heir of Roger Fitzosbert, with lands in Suffolk.
Giles de Fiennes was the nephew of the Michael de Fiennes noted in Edward’s household in 1255 who had accompanied Edward to Palestine on Crusade together with his brother William. Eleanor had interceded with Henry III for him before their departure. He seems to have served in her household or Edward’s throughout the period and by 1290 he had two children in the queen’s household in addition to himself: John de Fiennes and Eleanor de Fiennes.15
Also on the knight’s list are Philippe Popiot, a former servant of Eleanor’s mother Jeanne, who appears to have come to England and into the queen’s service after Jeanne’s death and in company with his wife Edeline, who was Joan of Acre’s governess until her marriage; and John de Hengham, whose wife Margerie was also a lady in the household of Joan, and whose son was brought up with Edward of Caernarfon at Langley. A relationship between this family and Edward’s judicial right-hand man Ralph de Hengham seems possible, though if it did exist it was not a close one. Also in the list was Geoffrey de Piccheford, who was custodian over the person and household of both young Henry (until his death) and Edward of Caernarfon.16
Thus far, just looking at the senior male attendants who surrounded Eleanor, a picture begins to emerge of a family ethos around the queen.
This is reinforced by a consideration of her waiting ladies. Those who were actually related to her are considered separately later, but good examples of the household’s family ethos can be found among those of the senior ladies who had no family link to Eleanor.
Chief among her ladies was Margery de Haustede, who was the lady in charge of Eleanor’s jewels, and even apparently charged with shopping for pieces to be given as gifts. She accompanied Eleanor to Gascony (leaving at least one of her children in the care of another family), may well also have been on Crusade with her, and by 1289 was of such importance that she had a chamber built for her personally in the precincts of the palace of Westminster in the run-up to the Christmas festivities. Her daughter Joanna was a damsel to the royal princesses in 1289 and 1290, and her son Robert was sent to reside with Edward of Caernarfon in 1289 and later served him. Her third son, John, also passed into royal service and distinguished himself, serving in the prime position of seneschal of Gascony under Edward III. Margery and Robert’s own good relations with the younger generation (and inferentially the closeness of the familia at court) is attested by the fact that their obituaries are inscribed in the Alphonso Psalter; in fact it seems possible that this valuable family memento was given to them by Elizabeth of Rhuddlan.
Another intimate of Eleanor’s was Ermintrude de Sackville, the daughter of John de Chandos by Margaret FitzWalkeline. Although by reason of her status and single state she was unlikely to have been with Eleanor as early as the Crusade, she was a favourite by 1275, when she was married by the king’s special precept to Andrew de Sackville, who was still a minor at the time of their marriage. The couple remained close to the court for most of the rest of Eleanor’s life, with Andrew featuring on the witness lists in 1280 and 1281 and Ermintrude in a position of some authority over other ladies in 1289, when the queen sent her messages relating to their management. Towards the end of Eleanor’s life, Ermintrude was accompanied at court by Eleanor de Sackville – likely her daughter and also almost inevitably Eleanor’s god-daughter. Ermintrude was apparently so close to the queen that Eleanor went to stay with her in November 1289, when Ermintrude was ill: her itinerary shows her at Bindon near Dorchester in Dorset for about a week, and this appears to have been Ermintrude’s home, since in January Eleanor had sent a messenger to her there wit
h money to cover her expenses during her illness. Interestingly, and characteristically, Eleanor seems to have brought Edward with her most of the way on this personal diversion – he is recorded at Bindon for two nights and just up the road at Frampton for the remainder of Eleanor’s stay.17
But the family ties and atmosphere did not stop with the immediate circle of upper attendants. Throughout the household can be found individuals with links to Edward and Eleanor’s families, and with their own family links at Court. So Ebles de Montibus, a squire to Eleanor in 1289–90, was the son of Edward’s former companion, who had died in around 1268. Young Ebles went on to be household steward to Isabella of France. Geoffrey, the kitchen ewer, had a brother Simon who was Eleanor’s cook or sauser, and yeoman Richard had a brother in a similar post. Meanwhile, another yeoman, Raoulet, and one of her tailors, Gillot, had been in her mother’s service, and her cooks John de Wodestock and Henry Wade had come from her in-laws’ kitchens and were succeeded by one of Edward’s cooks. In her administration, John of London, her first keeper of the wardrobe, came to her from Eleanor of Provence, and was replaced (until his death in 1270) by William de Yattenden, who was probably related to Bartholomew and Nicholas of the same name, who worked respectively for Edward and Eleanor of Provence.
Eleanor seems to have had a distinct preference for having married women in her household, presumably as they were unlikely to misbehave in a way which would reflect on her; a preoccupation directed by her education. Her apparent preference for finding husbands who were likewise part of the familia may be from the desire to have a family atmosphere surrounding her, but may likewise have been informed by the fact that seemly behaviour was more likely if couples were not separated. The results, however, are striking: of the women who formed part of Eleanor’s group of ladies-in-waiting in 1289–90, two were widows of husbands chosen by Eleanor, most of the rest were married to knights and squires either in her household or that of Edward, and the small remainder of unmarried women had fathers at court in either Edward or Eleanor’s household.18
A family or collegiate atmosphere was thus inevitable and was reinforced by the routines which were observed – all would attend church together regularly. They would also attend marriages and anniversary services for family and friends of the royal family, and services of commemoration for the deceased. Increasing the family atmosphere, these events were extended to those in the servants and attendants’ families: weddings were celebrated at court (often financed by the royal family), pregnancies and childbirths were organised and often funded by the queen, and Eleanor stood sponsor to numerous offspring in the wider familia – such as the Eleanors de Sackville, de Beauchamp, de Cretyng, Ferre, de Hacche, de Burgh, de Caumpeden and de Ewelle.19
Eleanor’s ‘family’, however, can be said to have extended beyond those who were part of her household. A consideration of the witnesses to her surviving deeds show a fascinating consistency, indicating a ‘magic circle’ of close friends around the king and queen, but also very close relations between Eleanor and some of the most prominent men in the country. For although certain key members of the royal household and administration appear again and again (Geoffrey de Aspale, John Ferre, Walter de Kancia, Giles de Fiennes, Andrew de Sackville, John de Lovetot), the witness lists range much wider than this. In particular Robert Burnell, the chancellor and Edward’s closest adviser, is a regular feature on these lists, as is Hugh de Cantilupe, the Bishop of Hereford, and William de Middleton, Bishop of Norwich.
Indeed, Burnell seems to have been one of Edward and Eleanor’s closest friends and, if the letter of October 1274 which appears in Appendix 1 is indeed hers, there is first-hand evidence of the ease and confidence with which they operated. Burnell is sent ‘loving’ greetings and the request is sent with affection. There is also a light joke about constantly boring him with requests for her friends and his being relied on to help. Whether or not that letter is Eleanor’s, it is apparent that she corresponded with him frequently – a significant proportion of her surviving letters are to him – and that the two were on the warmest of terms. Ultimately he was to be one of her executors, and in the inquest on her properties he was referred to as the one person outside her administration who would know the details of her involvement in a specific transaction. Part of the rapport which grew up between Eleanor and Burnell was probably due to shared interests; Burnell, too, worked hard to acquire properties in parallel with his other duties – with notable success. This suggestion is lent force by the fact that Robert Burnell’s attorney John de Berewyk emerged as a frequent witness to Eleanor’s deeds well before he took up a new role as her last wardrobe keeper. Interestingly, Edward seems to have had no scruples about the very close association between his wife and Burnell, who, though a priest and therefore technically sworn to celibacy, was somewhat successful with the opposite sex, having at least one known mistress (Juliana) and five children by her. This evidences further the closeness between Edward and Eleanor, and his complete trust in her.20
Other very frequent appearances are Robert Tybetot; John de Vescy; Roger Mortimer; Otho de Grandison; Hugh Fitzothes; Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester; John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey; and Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln. This list of the great and the good, essentially a list of Edward’s closest associates, shows a regular core of long-standing friends often present at court. It is also – particularly when taken with other names which appear occasionally, such as a galaxy of bishops, the Bigods, and even the older and younger Bruces – in sharp contrast to the position as regards Eleanor of Provence’s Acts, which were usually attested by members of her household or family, conveying the impression of actions performed very much as a private individual. The impression conveyed is that Eleanor was on very good terms with and was well respected by the major power players at court, and that her business was regarded as of significance and was approved by the king.
Beyond this, there is evidence for close friendship between Eleanor and a number of the core names in this list. So Henry de Lacy and his wife Margaret de Longespée (Countess of Salisbury in her own right and a relative of both king and queen through her descent from Henry II) appear to have been close friends of Eleanor’s. As well as witnessing many of her Acts, Henry de Lacy was a frequent correspondent of the queen and was one of her executors. As for John de Vescy, Eleanor would arrange his marriage and that of his nephew; her affection for him is clearly seen on his death in 1289, when Eleanor arranged for his heart to be buried with her own and that of her son Alphonso in the London house of the Dominicans.21
A third member of Edward’s male circle with whom a close friendship can be inferred is his childhood friend Otho de Grandison, who not only appears often as a witness but was a recipient of gifts from Eleanor. Earlier years cannot be spoken for due to the absence of records, but in 1290 she granted to him certain houses in London which she acquired via Hagin son of Moses, and in 1289–90 she gave him 1,000 marks. She also bequeathed him the manor of Turweston for life. Otho was to give her valuable personal gifts in return. His nephew John de Strattingen was in Eleanor’s household as one of her knights by 1286 and she probably had a hand in arranging a marriage for him with the niece of Bishop Godfrey Giffard of Worcester. Another nephew, Peter d’Estavayer, was also among her knights. She patronised his nephew Gerard von Wippingen, later bishop of both Lausanne and Basel. Obviously Eleanor had no interest in anyone except her husband, other than by way of friendship. However, there seems a possibility that Otho’s feeling for her was more tender. Four facts point in this direction. The first is that, despite the fact that he ultimately made a considerable fortune in Edward’s service, Otho did not marry. The second is that he is the one friend depicted on Eleanor’s tomb, where he is pictured praying for Eleanor. The third is that he re-gifted the manor which she left him to the king to be used to endow her memorial service. Finally, he remained out of England for nearly six years following Eleanor’s death. All in all, there seems some reason to speculate
that he was devoted to her and was reluctant to return to England once she was no longer there.22
But perhaps the most interesting aspect of Eleanor’s family concerns her ties to her female relations. The starting point for this is to look at her domicille, that is the women who surrounded her day to day. Among Eleanor’s ladies were no fewer than four distant cousins: Joanna Wake, Clemence de Vescy, Alice de Montfort and Marie de St Amand. In these ladies we see clearly both an extended family being constructed and Eleanor’s scheme of quietly advancing her maternal relatives.
Joanna Wake was a de Fiennes, and a ‘double cousin’ of Eleanor’s, descending from the marriage which Eleanor arranged between her cousin William de Fiennes and her cousin Blanche of Brienne, granddaughter of Berengaria of Castile and John of Brienne. Joanna was particularly close to Eleanor, receiving new robes at the king’s expense five times in the 1290 period (Christmas Easter, Pentecost and the two royal weddings), which was more than any other of the domicille received, and having her goods carried at his expense. What is more, her children were sent to be raised with the younger royals at Langley, and her expenses for visiting them there were paid by the Crown. She was therefore emphatically regarded as part of the family.
Her marriage to John Wake appears to have been another of Eleanor’s matchmaking endeavours – Wake lands were granted to Eleanor after 1265 and were ransomed under the Dictum of Kenilworth, and John Wake and his brother were brought into the royal nursery establishment after the death of their mother in about 1283. John Wake’s wardship was granted to Eleanor in 1285, and the marriage appears to have followed speedily upon this, as Joanna had two children by 1290. The marriage was a very good one for Joanna – the Wakes were of impeccable Norman descent and John also had connections via his mother to William the Conqueror, the Welsh royal family and to the earls of Salisbury. One of the younger Wake children, Margaret, was to marry Edmund of Woodstock, Edward’s younger son by his second marriage; perhaps this was a match effectively made in the royal nursery, which both inhabited. Through this connection, Joanna Wake became the ancestress of the Fair Maid of Kent.23
Eleanor of Castile: The Shadow Queen Page 37