On 11 September the Jacobites marched southward to Dunblane, en route to Edinburgh. Tuesday, 17 September, was one of the most momentous days of the Young Pretender’s life for he entered the Scottish capital in style and was welcomed by enthusiastic crowds. He made a notable impression and it was on this occasion that the sobriquet ‘Bonnie Prince Charlie’ was first used. At Edinburgh Charles was joined by some volunteers from the city, as well as by men from elsewhere such as Lachlan MacLachlan of MacLachlan who arrived with 150 of his clansmen.
Meanwhile Cope had marched from Inverness to Aberdeen, from where he shipped his army south with the aim of defending Edinburgh. However, by the time his men disembarked at Dunbar the capital, (though not the castle, which was held by government soldiers), was in enemy hands. Cope now hurried towards Edinburgh determined to engage the Young Pretender.
Aware of his approach, Charles left Edinburgh on 19 September and moved to Duddingston at the head of an army about 2,400 strong, intent on battle. On the 20th he came across Cope at Prestonpans. Although Cope was in a strong defensive position, his army of 2,000 foot and 500 dragoons, was overwhelmed in less than fifteen minutes early on the 21st by Highlanders fighting ‘like enraged furies.’
Following the battle, in which he fought bravely, Cope fled south to Berwick. On the other hand Charles returned to Edinburgh. Although his instinct was for a swift advance on England, he was prevailed upon to wait in Edinburgh for some weeks, primarily in the hope that large-scale French assistance would be forthcoming. A messenger was despatched to Versailles with the task of securing just that.
As far as Scotland was concerned, Charles’ victory at Prestonpans made a number of hitherto reluctant Jacobites decide to throw in their lot with him, though this was offset somewhat by the desertion of victorious clansmen who headed home with loot they had stripped from the bodies of fallen government soldiers.
While at Edinburgh the prince established a permanent cabinet or Grand Council, which included men who had accompanied him to Scotland from France such as O’ Sullivan, as well as the leaders of clan regiments such as Lochiel, and men of substance such as Lord George Murray. The council met daily and, in addition to discussing strategy, dealt with matters, including raising further troops and equipping the army. It is interesting to note that in mid October their task was eased somewhat by the arrival of artillery and stores sent from France. Moreover, one of the vessels also brought the Marquis d’Eguilles who had been sent to Scotland—prior to Prestonpans—on a fact finding mission.
Meanwhile, the government had been strengthening its position. More troops were recalled from Flanders, and some of these were sent north to Newcastle where they augmented an army under Wade, who was now a field marshal.
On the 30th and 31st of October, Charles and his council decided to invade England and bypass Wade by advancing into the north-west of the country. The decision was only arrived at after an acrimonious debate. The prince was eager to move south. For one thing, it was evident that the Jacobite army was growing restless and such a move would counter any boredom. Moreover, Louis XV was an indecisive character and as Frank McLynn has commented, it was thus ‘vital not to give [him] a plausible excuse for doing nothing.’ On the other hand, Charles was opposed by a faction led by Murray which argued that it would be a mistake to invade England with their small army, especially without any guarantee of large-scale French military support, and that it would be wiser to retreat into the Highlands where forts still in government hands could be dealt with, and where pressure could be put on clan chiefs who had not committed themselves to the Jacobite cause to do so, thereby making any subsequent descent on England more likely to succeed. The prince’s faction, however, just managed to win the vote. But a compromise ensued. Charles wished to move against Wade in the belief that a second victory, particularly one on English soil, was needed soon to maintain momentum, but acceded to Murray’s wish that Wade be bypassed.
At the beginning of November the Jacobites began moving south. They did so in two columns, one led by Charles, the other by Murray. The prince headed southeast, giving the impression that he was making for Newcastle, and then made his way westward and down Liddesdale to join up with Murray near Carlisle. On 8 November the prince forded the Esk, thereby entering England, and linked up with Lord George the following day. The combined force numbered approximately 500 horse and 5,000 foot. It would have been stronger, but significant desertion had occurred during the march through the Lowlands.
On 18 November, after a brief siege, Charles secured the surrender of Carlisle: Wade had attempted to save it but had found the roads across the Pennines unpassable due to snow. From Carlisle the Jacobites advanced south in two columns, one under Murray and the other, a day behind, under the prince. The army was without tents—they had been ‘lost’ at Moffat—and this division of the force was intended to ease billeting problems in the towns through which the army passed. It was planned to join at Preston, the first sizeable town, and on the 26th Charles met up with Murray there. The Jacobites had hoped for significant support in Lancashire but so far this had not been forthcoming. Nonetheless, the decision to press on was made. On the afternoon of 29 November the prince rode into Manchester. Here he received his first significant English support, 300 or so men, mainly down and outs, who were formed into the Manchester Regiment. Charles had hoped for a greater response but remained undaunted, determined to continue making for London. His determination was not shared by Murray.
Matters came to a head after the Jacobites reached Derby on 4 December—en route Lord George had cleverly outmanouevred the Duke of Cumberland, who was in command of a government army in Staffordshire, by giving the impression that the Jacobites were making for Wales. At Derby acrimonious meetings of the Jacobite council were held on the 5th. The prince entreated his followers to hold their nerve and press on towards panic-stricken London, 120 miles away. They were, after all, closer to the capital than either Cumberland or Wade: the latter was many miles behind making his way through Yorkshire. But Lord George was adamant that they should commence retreating. Significant English Jacobite support had not been forthcoming; there was no sign of a French invasion (one was in fact being planned); a government army was assembling to confront them at Finchley near the capital; and to cap it all, according to an English spy, Dudley Bradstreet, another army—which did not exist—was barring the route south at Northampton. In the past Charles had been able to persuade reluctant members of his council to support him, but on this occasion he was about as effective as a chocolate fireguard. Indeed, he later commented that ‘he could not prevail upon one single person to support him.’ Consequently on 6 December, ‘Black Friday’, the Jacobites began retracing their steps with the prince in despondent mood. Discipline in the ranks of his army also began faltering as morale declined.
The retreating Jacobites were pursued by Cumberland, and on the 18th at Clifton, near Penrith, English dragoons clashed with the rearguard under Murray. The dragoons were driven off, and following this skirmish Cumberland halted and awaited reinforcements.
On 19 December the Jacobites reached Carlisle. Here, contrary to the wishes of his lieutenants, Charles left a garrison of 400 men to hold the castle, most of whom belonged to the Manchester Regiment. The following day he entered Scotland by fording the swollen River Esk. On the 26th, Charles arrived at Glasgow, a strongly pro-Hanoverian city, and remained there for a week, raising money from its unwilling citizens. He also conducted a review of his army on Glasgow Green which showed that no more than two dozen men had been lost during the days in England.
The Jacobites then moved east, and secured Stirling on the 8th, by which date the Young Pretender had fallen ill with influenza and lay sick nearby at Bannockburn House. During this period around 4,000 reinforcements under the command of Lord John Drummond arrived. Most were Highlanders, including MacKintoshes, Farquharsons and Mackenzies, but about 1,100 were
troops of the Irish brigade who had sailed to Montrose with Drummond from France, before linking up with the Highlanders in question at Perth.
Though Charles’ men had occupied the town of Stirling, the castle was held for King George. Thus the prince now ordered that the fortress be besieged using artillery brought by Drummond.
As for Cumberland, he had secured the surrender of the garrison at Carlisle on 30 December, and had then returned to London leaving an elderly general, Henry Hawley, to pursue the Young Pretender. On 15 January Hawley marched west from Edinburgh to relieve Stirling Castle at the head of about 8,000 men. Charles moved against him with a force of comparable strength. Hawley had been wounded at Sheriffmuir in 1715 and should have treated the Jacobite army with greater respect than he did. His general ineptitude resulted in the defeat of his force in a short battle at Falkirk on the 17th in which his men attacked uphill, with rain blowing into their faces. Though defeated, Hawley managed to retreat to Linlithgow with the bulk of his force, and then fell back to Edinburgh.
Meanwhile, bitter arguments had occurred among the victors over the fact that Hawley’s army had not been dealt with as decisively as could have been the case. Moreover the feelings of tension and gloom in the Jacobite camp were heightened by an unfortunate incident which occurred shortly after the battle. Angus MacDonell of Glengarry, the son of a chief, was accidentally shot at Falkirk by a Keppoch MacDonald. Despite entreaties on his behalf by the dying Glengarry, the hapless clansman responsible was therefore executed, thereby alienating many of the Keppoch MacDonalds. It was thus a rather dispirited Jacobite army which made its way back to Stirling—some had wished to move on Edinburgh—where the siege of the castle was resumed.
For his part, Charles returned to Bannockburn House. Once again he was ill, for he had suffered a relapse after Falkirk. On 30 January he was presented with a document signed by Murray and six clan chiefs which strongly urged that the ineffectual siege of Stirling Castle be abandoned and that the army, which had experienced fairly substantial desertion since Falkirk, should withdraw into the Highlands for the remainder of the winter. There the clansmen could spend time with their families, deserters could be rounded up and returned to the fold, and where future successes against forces loyal to George II would likely induce hitherto reluctant people to throw in their lot with the prince. The Young Pretender disagreed. For one thing, he sensibly argued that withdrawal would further undermine morale and lead to more desertion. Nonetheless he complied with the desire to withdraw, stating that he had an army which he could not ‘command any further than the chief officers please’ and that he washed his hands of the ‘fatal consequences’ which would ensue.
On 1 February the Jacobites began moving north in a state of disarray, largely owing to a decline in morale. Some dispirited clansmen, for instance, set off without waiting to hear further instructions. The army crossed the Forth at the Fords of Frew. A very heated council of war followed at Crieff. Murray wished to retreat through the Highlands to pro-Jacobite Inverness which was held for the government by the Earl of Loudoun. Charles, though, wished to head for Inverness via the northeast of Scotland, partly in expectation of the arrival there of French support. A compromise thus occurred. The prince reluctantly agreed to make for Inverness through the Highlands while Murray would make his way there via the ports of Montrose and Aberdeen.
The advances of both were undertaken in bitter weather. The prince arrived at Inverness first—Loudoun abandoned the town on the 17th as Charles drew near—and was joined by Lord George on the 21st.
Meanwhile, after Falkirk, Cumberland had been sent north again to take command of operations. He arrived in Edinburgh in late January and shortly thereafter made his way to Perth following the Jacobites’ withdrawal from Stirling. On 20 February, after building up his commissiart to ensure that his army was adequately supplied with food, he began advancing towards Aberdeen which he entered on the 27th. He was to remain there until early April awaiting improved weather conditions.
During the weeks which followed Charles’ arrival at Inverness, contingents of his army undertook several military ventures. On 3 March Fort Augustus was invested, and surrendered two days later. Then, on the 7th, Fort William was likewise besieged, though the operation was to prove unsuccessful. Furthermore, Lord Loudoun and his men were pursued in Sutherland. Initially the Earl of Cromarty had the task of doing so, but he was soon replaced by the Duke of Perth who surprised Loudoun on 20 March, with the result that the Highland companies comprising the earl’s force were scattered. Loudoun and some of his associates managed to escape by sea to the Isle of Skye. March also witnessed a generally successful operation by Lord George Murray in Atholl country, though he failed to take Blair Castle.
On the other hand, March also witnessed a significant reverse for Charles—who was afflicted with scarlet fever for much of the month. On the 25th a Jacobite vessel, Prince Charles, was sighted by four Royal Navy cruisers in the Pentland Firth. She had sailed from France carrying men, supplies, and money—£13,600 in English gold and 1,500 guineas— destined for the Young Pretender. Upon being sighted, she was pursued and ran aground in the Kyle of Tongue while trying to escape. The money was brought ashore, only for it to fall into the hands of the pro-government MacKays who, under their chief Lord Reay, ambushed the Jacobite party the following day.
Charles responded by sending a force under Cromarty to regain the money, but the expedition proved a failure. The financial loss could not simply be dismissed as a misfortune. It was a bitter blow. The prince was desperately short of funds and this was undermining morale: desertion owing to lack of pay was becoming increasingly serious. Morale dropped even further when the siege of Fort William was abandoned on 3 April. Then, to make things worse, the Jacobite commissariat began to fail.
As for Cumberland, on 8 April he resumed his advance. By the 11th he had reached Cullen. He then crossed the Spey, and arrived at Nairn on the 14th, about 12 miles east of Inverness. The crossing of the Spey had been uncontested. A Jacobite force under Lord John Drummond and John Roy Stewart, numbering 2,000 men and lacking cannon, withdrew rather than attempt a delaying action. It is sometimes maintained that if the crossing had been contested in strength and with artillery, the Jacobites could have inflicted very significant losses on Cumberland. Although the inexperience of the Jacobite gun crews gives pause for thought, the argument nonetheless carries weight.
Cumberland’s approach produced a rapid response on the part of the Jacobite leadership. Outlying forces were recalled—though some failed to return in time for Culloden—and on the 15th Charles took up a position on Drummossie Moor a short distance east of Inverness, and one mile southeast of Culloden House where the prince had spent part of his time since arriving in the region in February. Here the Jacobites awaited Cumberland. But the duke did not come. The 15th was his birthday and he had decided to celebrate the event with his men at Nairn.
While Cumberland and his soldiers celebrated, the Jacobite leaders discussed strategy. Though the Young Pretender and O’ Sullivan favoured confronting the duke on Drummossie Moor this was not to the liking of Lord George Murray, an abler and more experienced man than either of them. He rightly believed it to be too exposed a position for lightly armed clansmen to engage a larger and better equipped force and, with the support of the clan chiefs, proposed moving to rougher ground near Dalcross Castle ‘such as the Highlanders would have liked very well.’ He was, however, overruled by the prince.
Later in the day, though, following the arrival of reinforcements and in the knowledge that Cumberland was still at Nairn, the Jacobite leadership discussed strategy again. It was suggested that they should march that night against Cumberland and launch a surprise attack on his camp before dawn. The idea appealed to both Prince Charles and Murray. As the latter recalled: ‘I thought we had a better chanse by doing it then by fighting in so plain a feeld.’ The attack was on.
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bsp; At about 8.00pm, or perhaps slightly later, the Jacobites commenced marching, guided by MacKintoshes who knew the country. The army was in two columns, the first led by Murray, the second by the prince. However the daring advance did not go according to plan, partly because the men were famished. As they trudged through the darkness and mist many of them collapsed through exhaustion due to ‘want of food.’ Hence, much to the prince’s annoyance, Murray and other senior figures, Lochiel for one, decided to forgo the attack and so the weary and dispirited Jacobites turned around and began retracing their steps. At about 6.00am the bulk of the army arrived back on Drummossie Moor. Many were soon fast asleep. Others probably found rest elusive, fearing that Cumberland would presently move against them
A debate now ensued in the Jacobite camp about what to do. Lord George argued strongly in favour of avoiding battle, but held that if Charles were set on fighting it would be best to fall back across to the south side of the River Nairn and take up a position reconnoitred the previous day by two officers, Brigadier Walter Stapleton and Colonel Ker of Graden and favourable to the Highlanders’ mode of fighting. But the prince adamantly rejected such counsel, even after exhorted not to fight on Drummossie Moor by the French envoy, the Marquis d’ Eguilles.
Hastings to Culloden - Battles in Britain 1066-1746 Page 28