by Carl Sagan
“With each expedition,” he wrote, “there should be taken all the knowledge, literature, art (in a condensed form), and description of tools, appliances, and processes, in as condensed, light, and indestructible a form as possible, so that the new civilization could begin where the old ended.” These final speculations, entitled “The Last Migration,” were sealed in an envelope with instructions to be read “only by an optimist.” And that he surely was-not a Pollyanna who chooses to ignore the problems and evils of our times, but rather, a man committed to the improvement of the human condition and the creation of a vast prospect for the future of our species.
Goddard’s dedication to Mars was never far from his mind. In the wake of one of his first experimental successes, he was induced to write a press release on the details of his launch and its ultimate significance. He wished to discuss spacecraft to Mars but was dissuaded on the ground that this was too fantastic. As a compromise he talked about sending a quantity of magnesium flash powder which would make a visible bright flare on the Moon when it landed. This caused a sensation in the press. Goddard was for many years after disparagingly referred to as “the Moon Man,” and he remained rueful about his relations with the press ever after. (An editorial in the New York Times which criticized Goddard for having “forgotten” that a rocket will not work in the vacuum of space because it has nothing to push against may have contributed to his unease. The Times discovered Newton’s third law of motion and retracted its error only in the age of Apollo.) Goddard mused: “From that day, the whole thing was summed up, in the public mind, in the words ‘moon rocket’; and thus it happened that in trying to minimize the sensational side, I had really made more of a stir than if I had discussed transportation to Mars, which would probably have been considered as ridiculous by the press representative and doubtless never mentioned.”
Goddard’s notebooks are not filled with psychological insights. That was not, at least not very much, the spirit of the times in which he lived. [14] But there is a remark in Goddard’s notebooks that can be only a flash of poignant self-insight: “God pity a one-dream man.” That surely is what Goddard was. He knew great satisfaction in seeing the advances in rocket technology, but it must have been agonizingly slow. There are so many letters from Abbott urging faster progress, and so many responses from Goddard citing practical impediments. Goddard never lived to see the beginning of rocket astronomy and high-altitude meteorology, much less flights to the Moon or planets.
But all these things are happening because of what are very clearly the technological fruits of Goddard’s genius. October 19, 1976, was the 77th Anniversary Day of the Martian vision of Robert H. Goddard. On that day there were two functioning orbiters and two working landers on Mars, the Viking spacecraft whose origins can be traced with utter confidence back to a boy in a cherry tree in a New England autumn in 1899. Among its many other objectives, Viking had the task of checking out the possibility of life on Mars, the prospect that was so powerful a motivation for Goddard so many years before. Curiously, we are still not sure what the Viking biology results mean. Some think that microbial life may have been discovered; others think it unlikely. It is clear that a major program of future exploration of Mars will be required to understand just where in cosmic evolution this neighboring world lies and what its connection is with the state of evolution on our own planet.
From its earliest stages, rocket technology developed because of an interest in life on other worlds. And now that we have landed on Mars, obtained tantalizing and enigmatic biological results, the follow-on missions-roving vehicles and returned sample canisters-in turn require further developments in spacecraft technology, a mutual causality that I think Goddard would have appreciated.
CHAPTER 19
EXPERIMENTS IN SPACE
We ever long for visions of beauty,
We ever dream of unknown worlds.
MAXIM GORKY
UNTIL RELATIVELY recently, astronomy suffered from a serious impediment and remarkable peculiarity: it was the only thoroughly nonexperimental science. The materials of study were all up there, and we and our machines were all down here.
No other science was so severely constrained. In physics and chemistry, of course, all is forged on the anvil of experiment, and those who doubt a given conclusion are free to perform a wide range of alternative manipulations of matter and energy in an attempt to extract contradictions or alternative explanations. Evolutionary biologists, even those of very patient temperaments, cannot afford to wait a few million years to observe one species evolve into another. But experiments on common amino acid sequences, enzyme structure, nucleic acid codes, chromosomal banding, and anatomy, physiology and behavior make a compelling case for the fact that evolution has occurred and clearly show which plant or animal groups (such as human beings) are related to which others (such as the great apes).
It is true that geophysicists, studying the deep interior of the Earth, cannot travel to the Wiechert discontinuity between core and mantle, or (just yet) to the Mohorovicic discontinuity between mantle and crust. But batholiths, extruded from the deep interior, can be found here and there on the surface and examined. The geophysicists have relied largely on seismic data, and here, like astronomers, they could not force the favors of nature but were compelled to await their voluntary bestowal-for example, in a seismic event situated on the other side of the Earth so that one of two nearby seismometers would be in the shadow of the Earth’s core and the other not. But impatient seismologists can and have set off their own chemical and nuclear explosions to ring Earth like a bell. And there are intriguing recent hints that it may be possible to turn earthquakes on and off. Those geologists intolerant of inferential reasoning could always go to the field and examine contemporary erosion processes. But there was no exact astronomical equivalent of the hard-rock geologist.
We have been restricted to the electromagnetic radiation reflected and emitted by astronomical objects. We have not been able to examine pieces of stars or planets [15] in our laboratories or to fly into such objects to examine them in situ. Ground-based passive observations have restricted us to a narrow fraction of the conceivable data on astronomical objects. Our position has been much worse than that of the fabled six blind men in pursuit of the nature of the elephant. It has been more like one blind man in a zoo. We were standing there for centuries stroking a left hind foot. It is not surprising that we did not deduce tusks, or notice that the foot did not belong to an elephant at all. If, by accident, the orbital plane of the double star was in our line of sight, we would see eclipses; otherwise not. We could not move to a position in space from which the eclipses could be observed. If we were observing a galaxy when a supernova was exploding, we could examine the supernova spectrum; otherwise not. We do not have the ability to perform experiments on supernova explosions-which is just as well. We could not examine in the laboratory the electrical, thermal, mineralogical and organic chemical properties of the lunar surface. We were restricted to inferences from the visible light reflected and the infrared and radio waves emitted by the moon, aided by occasional natural experiments such as eclipses and lunations.
But all that is gradually changing. Ground-based astronomers have, at least for nearby objects, an experimental tool: radar astronomy. At our convenience, at our choice of frequency, polarization, bandpass and pulse length, we can irradiate a nearby moon or planet with microwaves and examine the returned signal. We can wait for the object to rotate underneath the beam and illuminate some other place on its surface. Radar astronomy has delivered a host of new conclusions on the rotation periods of Venus and Mercury, and related problems in the tidal evolution of the solar system, on the craters of Venus, the fragmented surface of the Moon, the elevations of Mars, and the size and composition of the particles in the rings of Saturn. And radar astronomy is just beginning. We are still restricted to low altitudes, and for the outer solar system, to sun-facing hemispheres. But with the newly resurfaced Arecibo telescope of th
e National Astronomy and Ionosphere Center in Puerto Rico, we will be able to map the surface of Venus to a resolution of 1 kilometer-better than the best ground-based photographic resolution of the lunar surface-and obtain a host of new information on the asteroids, the Galilean satellites of Jupiter and the rings of Saturn. For the first time we are poking around in cosmic stuff, electromagnetically fingering the solar system.
A much more powerful technique of experimental (as opposed to observational) astronomy is spacecraft exploration. We can now travel into the magneto-spheres and atmospheres of the planets. We can land on and rove over their surfaces. We can collect material directly from the interplanetary medium. Our first preliminary steps into space have shown us a wide range of phenomena we never knew existed: the Van Allen trapped-particle belts of the earth; the mass concentrations beneath the circular maria of the moon; the sinuous channels and great volcanoes of Mars; the cratered surfaces of Phobos and Deimos. But what I am most struck by is that, before the advent of space vehicles, astronomers did very well-hamstrung though they were. The interpretations of the observations available to them were remarkably good. Space vehicles are ways of checking out the conclusions drawn inferentially by astronomers, a method of determining whether astronomical deductions on very distant objects-objects so far away as to be entirely inaccessible by space vehicles in the near future-should be believed.
ONE OF THE EARLIEST major debates in astronomy was on whether the Earth or the Sun was at the center of the solar system. The Ptolemaic and Copernican views explain the apparent motion of the Moon and planets to comparable precision. For the practical problem of predicting the positions of the Moon and planets as seen from the surface of the Earth, it hardly mattered which hypothesis was adopted. But the philosophical implications of the geocentric and heliocentric hypotheses were quite different. And there were ways of finding out which was right. In the Copernican view, Venus and Mercury should go through phases like the Moon. In the Ptolemaic view, they should not. When Galileo, using one of the first astronomical telescopes, observed a crescent Venus, he knew he had vindicated the Copernican hypothesis.
But space vehicles provide a more immediate test. According to Ptolemy, the planets are affixed to immense crystalline spheres. But when Mariner 2 or Pioneer 10 penetrated the locales of Ptolemy’s supposed crystal spheres, no impediment to their motion was detected; and, more directly, the acoustic and other micrometeorite detectors heard not even the faintest whisper of tinkling, much less the sound of smashed crystal. There is something very satisfying and immediate about this sort of test. There are probably no Ptolemaists in our midst. But there might be some with lingering doubts about whether Venus could not be made to go through phases in some modified geocentric hypothesis. Those people can now rest easy.
Before space vehicles, the German astrophysicist Ludwig Biermann was intrigued by the observations of the apparent acceleration of bright knots in the well-developed tails of comets passing through the inner solar system. Biermann showed that the radiation pressure of sunlight was inadequate to account for the observed acceleration and made the novel suggestion that there were charged particles streaming out from the Sun which, in interaction with the comet, produced the observed acceleration. Well, maybe. But could it not be equally due to, say, chemical explosions in the nucleus of the comet? Or some other explanation? But the first successful interplanetary spacecraft, Mariner 2, in the course of its fly-by of Venus, determined the existence of a solar wind with velocities and electron densities in just the range that Biermann had calculated would be necessary to accelerate his knots.
In the same period there was a debate on the nature of the solar wind. In one view, that of Eugene Parker of the University of Chicago, it was caused by hydro-dynamical flow out from the Sun; in another view, by evaporation from the top of the solar atmosphere. In the hydrodynamic explanation there should be no fractionation by mass; that is, the atomic composition of the solar wind should be the same as that of the Sun. But in the evaporation hypothesis, the lighter atoms escape the Sun’s gravity more easily, and heavy elements should be preferentially depleted in the solar wind. Interplanetary spacecraft have found that the ratio of hydrogen to helium in the solar wind is precisely that in the Sun, and have thereby provided convincing support for the hydrodynamic hypothesis of the origin of the solar wind.
In these examples from solar wind physics, we find that the spacecraft experiments provided the means for making critical judgments among competing hypotheses. In retrospect, we find that there were astronomers such as Biermann and Parker who were right for the right reasons. But there were others, equally bright, who disbelieved them and might have gone on disbelieving them had not the critical spacecraft experiments been performed. What is remarkable is not that there were alternative hypotheses which we now see to be incorrect, but rather that on the basis of the very meager data available anyone was smart enough to divine the correct answer-inferentially, using intuition, physics and common sense.
Before the Apollo missions, the uppermost layer of the lunar surface could be examined by visible, infrared and radio observations during both lunations and eclipses, and the polarization of sunlight reflected off the lunar surface had been measured. From these observations, Thomas Gold of Cornell University prepared a dark powder which, in the laboratory, reproduced the observed properties of the lunar surface very well. This “Golddust” can even be purchased for a modest price from the Edmund Scientific Company. A naked-eye comparison of lunar dust returned by Apollo astronauts with Golddust shows them to be almost indistinguishable. In particle-size distribution, and in electrical and thermal properties, they are a very close match. However, their chemical compositions are very different. Golddust is primarily Portland cement, charcoal and hairspray. The moon has a less exotic composition. But the observed lunar properties available to Gold before Apollo did not strongly depend on the chemical composition of the lunar surface. He was able to deduce very well that fraction of the lunar-surface properties which was relevant to pre-1969 observations of the Moon.
From the study of the available radio and radar data, we were able to deduce the high surface temperature and high surface pressures of Venus before the first Soviet Venera entry probe made in situ observations on the atmosphere, and subsequent Venera probes on the surface. Likewise, we correctly deduced the existence of elevation differences on Mars as great as 20 kilometers, although we were mistaken in thinking that dark areas were systematically at high elevations on the planet. [16]
Perhaps one of the most interesting such confrontations of astronomical inference with spacecraft observations is the case of the magnetosphere of Jupiter. In 1955 Kenneth Franklin and Bernard Burke were testing a radio telescope near Washington, D.C., intended for mapping galactic radio emission at a frequency of 22 Hertz. They noticed a regularly recurring interference on their records, which they at first thought was due to some conventional source of radio noise-such as a faulty ignition system on some nearby tractor. But they soon discovered that the timing of the interference corresponded perfectly well with transits overhead of the planet Jupiter. They had discovered that Jupiter was a powerful source of decameter radio emission.
Subsequently Jupiter was found to be a bright source at decimeter wavelengths as well. But the spectrum was very peculiar. At a wavelength of a few centimeters, very low temperatures of around 140°K were found-temperatures comparable to those uncovered for Jupiter at infrared wavelengths. But at decimeter wavelengths-up to one meter-the brightness temperature increased very rapidly with wavelength, approaching 100,000°K. This was too high a temperature for thermal emission-the radio radiation that all objects put out, simply because they are at a temperature above absolute zero.
Frank Drake, then of the National Radio Astronomy Observatory, proposed in 1959 that this spectrum implied that Jupiter was a source of synchrotron emission-the radiation that charged particles emit in their direction of motion when traveling close to the speed of ligh
t. On Earth, synchrotrons are convenient devices used in nuclear physics for accelerating electrons and protons to such high velocities, and it is in synchrotrons that such emission was first generally studied. Synchrotron emission is polarized, and the fact that the decimeter radiation from Jupiter is also polarized was an additional point in favor of Drake’s hypothesis. Drake suggested that Jupiter was surrounded by a vast belt of relativistic charged particles similar to the Van Allen radiation belt around the Earth, which had then just been discovered. If so, the decimeter emitting region should be much larger than the optical size of Jupiter. But conventional radio telescopes have inadequate angular resolution to make out any spatial detail whatever at the range of Jupiter. A radio interferometer can achieve such resolution, however. In the spring of 1960, very soon after the suggestion was made, V. Radhakrishnan and his colleagues at the California Institute of Technology employed an interferometer composed of two 90-foot-diameter antennas mounted on railroad tracks and separable by almost a third of a mile. They found that the region of decimeter emission around Jupiter was considerably larger than the ordinary optical disc of Jupiter, confirming Drake’s proposal.
Subsequent higher-resolution radio interferometry has shown Jupiter to be flanked by two symmetric “ears” of radio-wave emission with the same general configuration as the Van Allen radiation belts of the Earth. The general picture has evolved that on both planets electrons and protons from the solar wind are trapped and accelerated by the planetary magnetic dipole field and are constrained to spiral along the planet’s lines of magnetic force, bouncing from one magnetic pole to the other. The radio-emitting region around Jupiter is identified with its magnetosphere. The stronger the magnetic field, the farther out from the planet the boundary of the magnetic field will be. In addition, matching the observed radio spectrum from synchrotron emission theory specifies a magnetic field strength. The field strength could not be specified to very great precision but most estimates from radio astronomy in the late 1960s and early 1970s were in the range of 5 to 30 gauss, some ten to sixty times the surface magnetic field of the Earth at the equator.